2024-03-29T13:53:04Zhttp://aei.pitt.edu/cgi/oai2
oai:aei.pitt.edu:172
2011-02-15T22:14:50Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
A Sustained Economic Revival in Kosovo. Need for a Liberal Concept. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 109
Mintchev, Emil
Bünger, Klaus
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
[Introduction]. To try to elaborate a proposal for a liberal concept aimed at a sustained economic revival in a postcommunist society already making its first steps in the transformation and transition towards democracy and market economy is not an easy task. However, in 2002 some good examples and some lessons learned in other countries in transition may help a lot in the attempt to suggest the most appropriate model. Unfortunately there are also cases where the application of the learned lessons is almost impossible, due to the unique character of the situation. One such case is Kosovo. The well-known German expert on South Eastern Europe Viktor Meier wrote in March 2001: "... Kosovo is a place without a legal system, neither for civil nor for economic needs, without a regulated property status for its big enterprises, which are not functioning, without a regulated foreign trade, without a functioning monetary and credit system, without a political representation and even a normal identity documents for its citizens and with a security system inadequate to address any task beyond the very basic police duties, not to speak about fighting the mafia.." One year later a lot of these statements do not correspond with reality. The progress made was so immense that the experts have enough arguments for optimistic forecasts. The Kosovo Assembly and a provisional Self-Government are in place. The economic situation looks considerably better. Improvements in the everyday life are visible. Nevertheless a lot of obstacles making the transition towards a functioning market economy an extremely hard endeavor remain in place, thus adding some uncertainties to any attempt to address the economic challenges of the future. Taking into consideration the complexity of the situation the experts from the Center for European Integration Studies (ZEI) at the Bonn University, Germany and the liberal Friedrich-Naumann-Foundation, Germany decided to follow the old Chinese proverb "... instead of cursing the darkness, try to light a candle" by offering some suggestions about a liberal concept for a sustained economic revival in Kosovo. These suggestions are results of a short fact finding mission in Kosovo (11. - 14.12.2001) including 13 interview sessions with almost 30 representatives from local administration and politics, from research institutes, think-tanks and NGOs, from the business community and from the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and other international organizations. The paper produced is far from pretending to be a recipe for the establishment of a functioning market economy in Kosovo. The limited number of interviews, the absence of a clear political, legal and status parameters, the lack of reliable statistical sources, the unique character of the situation, the short period of time surely have some negative impact on the paper. But the intention of the authors was not to pretend to be the last instance of truth. More challenging was to try to provoke a discussion among experts, politicians and businessmen and to look together for the best suitable approach for Kosovo. Because every success in the economic field is a joint effort and the benefits are for the whole society.
2002
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/172/1/dp_c109_mintchev.pdf
Mintchev, Emil and Bünger, Klaus (2002) A Sustained Economic Revival in Kosovo. Need for a Liberal Concept. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 109. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/172/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:187
2011-02-15T22:14:54Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
The European Security Landscape after Kosovo. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 64
Joetze, Günter
Kosovo
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
conflict resolution/crisis management
[Introduction]. Operation "Allied Force" was a decisive new element in European security. Some may call it a watershed-or "Wegscheide" (crossroad, Foreign Minister Fischer's expression before the UN General Assembly on September 22, 1999). The general consequences of the Kosovo events, will first be analyzed, following then, the consequences for the Security and Foreign Policy of the European Union.
2000
Discussion Paper
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/187/1/dp_c64_joetze.pdf
Joetze, Günter (2000) The European Security Landscape after Kosovo. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 64. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/187/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:211
2011-02-15T22:14:59Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303238
7375626A656374733D46:46303338
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303035
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D46:46303237
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D46:46303431
7375626A656374733D46:46303336
7375626A656374733D46:46416C62616E6961
7375626A656374733D46:46303139
7375626A656374733D46:46303339
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Facing the Future: The Balkans to the Year 2010. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 86
Bugajski, Janusz
Kosovo
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Albania
EU-Central and Eastern Europe
enlargement
Serbia/Montenegro (to June 2006)
Yugoslavia (former)
Romania
Croatia
Bulgaria
Bosnia/Herzegovina
Macedonia
conflict resolution/crisis management
[Introduction]: The Balkan Burden. "The Balkans" have both geographic and geopolitical significance. Geographically, it refers roughly to the region bounded by the Adriatic Sea, the southern Carpathian mountains, the Black Sea, and the Mediterranean Sea. Geopolitically and even geo-historically, “the Balkans” have accumulated numerous and often contradictory connotations, sometimes patronising, sometimes wistful, but often disparaging. For example, the Balkans have been described as the major crossroads between Europe and the Middle East and as a battleground between the major empires. The region has been depicted as a rich conglomerate of cultures and religions and as an ethnic and religious conflict zone. In recent years, the Balkans have been viewed as both a critical security zone and as an unstable non-European periphery. Since the Collapse of communist Europe, the "Balkans" have once again captured the headlines in the American and West European media and the attention of foreign policy makers. The concept of "Balkanisation", following the disintegration of the Soviet Bloc and the collapse of the communist Yugoslav federation, has again entered the security vocabulary. It has come to signify, much as it did at the beginning of this century, a simmering inferno of conflict and instability that no outside power can control and no local power can evidently escape. As a result, all the countries of this geographic region have been collectively framed into a geopolitical framework that no state can purportedly surmount. The pejorative "Balkan" image thus allegedly explains the often bloody "ethnic conflicts", the unreformable authoritarian regimes, the rampant criminality, the customary corruption, and the incurable economic backwardness. Ironically, it has suited two specific parties, one interested and one disinterested, to perpetuate these Balkan myths. On the one hand, the forces of nationalism, authoritarianism, and ethnic division active in parts of the region have thrived on this peculiar image of non-redemption to consolidate their positions and to try and forestall any outside interference. On the other hand, trans-Atlantic policy makers lacking sufficient strategic vision and commitment to pan-European integrity have manipulated the Balkan image to justify inaction and the assignment of South Eastern Europe to the permanent status of an outsider. It is against such powerful myth making and image generation that both the domestic reformers and foreign sympathisers have struggled to transform the Balkans and to propel the region toward the European mainstream. Their task during the past decade has been profoundly complicated by the wars within and between the Yugoslav successor states, by the repression perpetrated by Serbia’s Milosevic regime, by the collapse of the Albanian economy and the subsequent armed uprising, and by the uphill battles of all Balkan states to complete their transition from totalitarian communism to democratic capitalism. At the start of the 21st century, the time is ripe for a major reassessment of the Balkan region: for a sober analysis of the present condition and for an informed projection of alternative scenarios of development during the next decade. In this analysis and projection of Balkan instabilities and opportunities, the following states and quasi-states have been included: Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Kosovo, and Montenegro. Part one of this paper examines the geopolitical context in which the Balkans are located at the end of the 20th century. It therefore assesses, in Facing The Future: The Balkans To The Year 2010 turn, the international environment, the regional parameters, and specific country developments. The bulk of the analysis projects and examines three alternative scenarios for the Balkans during the next decade: regional regression, secure development, and progressive integration. The first scenario envisages a major breakdown in the region’s development, marked by accelerating domestic devolutions, spiralling regional rivalries, and growing international isolation. The second scenario depicts a minimal constructive evolution characterised by domestic stabilization, regional cooperation, and increasing international involvement. The third scenario posits a maximal constructive development for the Balkans, involving major domestic transformations, regional Synchronization, and international integration. It is in order to help promote the latter scenario that this paper is offered.
2001
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/211/1/dp_c86_bugajski.pdf
Bugajski, Janusz (2001) Facing the Future: The Balkans to the Year 2010. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 86. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/211/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:288
2011-02-15T22:15:05Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D45:45303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
The Stability pact for South Eastern Europe - potential, problems and perspectives. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1999, C 56
Biermann, Rafael
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Kosovo
UN
conflict resolution/crisis management
[From the Introduction]. 1. Europe and the Balkans at a cross-roads. Crises sometimes happen to be turning points in history, serving as eyeopeners that stimulate a fundamental reversal of behaviour. The Chinese language has created a symbol uniquely reflecting this reality: the ideogram for 'crisis' is composed of two characters which separately mean 'danger' and 'opportunity'. In retrospect, historians might view the date of 10 June 1999 as such a turning point in history, embodying both tragedy and hope. It was on this very day that the United Nations Security Council issued Resolution No. 1244, which finally put an end to the war in Kosovo; and on the same day a meeting of Foreign Ministers in Cologne, assembling representatives from 38 countries and 15 international organisations, formally endorsed the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, thus marking the start of a new phase in international Balkan politics.
1999
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/288/1/dp_c56_biermann.pdf
Biermann, Rafael (1999) The Stability pact for South Eastern Europe - potential, problems and perspectives. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1999, C 56. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/288/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:341
2011-02-15T22:15:14Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D46:46303038
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Greece, the Balkans and the European Union. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 9
Veremis, Thanos
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Kosovo
Greece
conflict resolution/crisis management
[From the Introduction]. The Kosovo is very much in view now. One should say that Kosovo is really a very old conflict, and many thought that Yugoslavia would have disintegrated over the Kosovo issue, rather than Bosnia or Croatia. Strangely enough, Kosovo did not erupt as some had predicted in 1989 and 1990, when Mr. Miloševiæ took away the Kosovo-Albanians autonomy, which they had enjoyed under the previous regime and especially after the reform of the Yugoslavian constitution in 1974. At that time Kosovo was given more autonomy than it had previously enjoyed, but an autonomy short of complete independence as a constituent republic of Yugoslavia. That was always the thorn in the side of the Albanian Kosovars: they wanted to be recognized as a full republic with the right to secession.
1998
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/341/1/dp_c09_veremis.pdf
Veremis, Thanos (1998) Greece, the Balkans and the European Union. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 9. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/341/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:423
2011-02-15T22:15:35Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D696D6D6967726174696F6E706F6C696379
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Burden-Sharing or Free-Riding? Explaining Variations in States' Acceptance of Unwanted Migration"
Thielemann, Eiko
Kosovo
immigration policy
International burden-sharing, i.e. the question how costs of common initiatives or the provision of public goods should be shared between states raises two important questions. First, the question of motivation. How do we explain calls for burden-sharing beyond the state? Second, the question of patterns. How do we explain patterns of burden-sharing in the international arena? In order to address these questions, the first part of the paper proposes and analyses two burden-sharing approaches—one based on a 'cost-benefit'-, the other one based on a 'norm-based' logic—that offer partly competing and partly complementary hypotheses for answering these two questions. The second part, analyses EU attempts to share burdens in the area of forced migration in order to test these hypotheses empirically. The results suggest that although there is still little evidence for inter-state solidarity in the EU, norm-based approaches can nonetheless offer some powerful explanations of European burden-sharing in this area.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/423/1/EUSA2003%2DJRS%2DThielemann.html
Thielemann, Eiko (2003) "Burden-Sharing or Free-Riding? Explaining Variations in States' Acceptance of Unwanted Migration". In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, Tennessee. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/423/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:487
2011-02-15T23:43:40Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:505
2011-02-15T23:43:47Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:506
2011-02-15T23:43:47Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:511
2011-02-15T23:43:51Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:537
2011-02-15T22:15:42Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D45:45303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The Trouble with Kosovo. EIPA Working Paper: 98/W/03
Duke, Simon
Kosovo
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
conflict resolution/crisis management
UN
NATO
[From the Introduction]. The troubles in Kosovo demonstrate that not only has Europe failed thus far to develop effective mechanisms to address the complex issues stemming from intra-state conflict, but it may lead to the fundamental redefinition of many central tenets of public international law, international relations, and international security. If NATO intervention takes place it will open up legal questions regarding sovereignty and thus statehood and will also lead to a protracted debate about the role of the United Nations (UN). Perhaps the time is long overdue for a debate on these issues in the post-cold war world, but Kosovo may prove to be the unwitting catalyst.
1998
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/537/1/98w03.pdf
Duke, Simon (1998) The Trouble with Kosovo. EIPA Working Paper: 98/W/03. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/537/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:642
2011-02-15T22:16:02Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"It fires back! The Impact of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy(CFSP) on the Evolution of a European identity"
Guessgen, Florian
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Kosovo
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
conflict resolution/crisis management
Ever since the conclusions of the European Councils of Cologne and Helsinki – in other words: ever since the watershed event of the war in Kosovo in spring 1999 – the issue of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and even a Common European Policy on Security and Defence (CEPSD) are on the top of the European agenda. The European Union is finding itself in the midst of a discussion about the means it should dispose of in order to cohesively act abroad, diplomatically and militarily. This recent and breath-taking development marks a major shift in the general discourse on the European Union. The European Union, long conceived of as a "mere" civilian power is now arriving at a language of the past, a language which may provocatively called the language of "war and peace". This discourse entails central political questions. Europe is discussing its role in the international diplomatic and security environment. It defines the kind of international order it envisages. By the same token, foreign policy is not only about a state’s relationship with the outside world. The content of foreign policy equally reveals which values and principles constitute a state’s political community internally. Thus, the evolution of a European system of foreign policy governance allows for an alternative view on one of the most contested and most opaque puzzles of European integration: The configuration of the European citizenry’s identity. What impact has the institutional development of a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) exerted on the shape of the European polity and its identity? Does European foreign policy in fact "fire back" on identity as the title of this paper so confidently claims? Under which conditions does it shape which kind of (substantive) idea of a European citizenry? In answering this question, I will first, embark on a conceptual discussion. How do we need to conceive of foreign policy in order to allow for the linkage between foreign policy and citizenship? The decisive step consists of using an extended definition of the state as the base-line of inquiry. Conceptually, the state may not be based merely upon the presence of centralised government and territorial sovereignty, but it equally requires the inclusion of the concept of identity as an important benchmark. Accordingly, in the first part of this paper, I will elaborate on a constructivist definition of the state as an analytical blue-print for examining the texture of the European Union. In the second part, I will devise tentative hypothesis on the impact of the evolution of the European foreign policy governance system on the definition of a European identity. This section is split in two periods: A pre-Kosovo period and a post-Kosovo period. The pre-Kosovo period, I find, is not likely to have contributed to the development of a common identity conception. The post-Kosovo period, on the other hand, has opened up considerable opportunities to do so. It has created leeway for a discourse which is central for the emergence of a European identity: The de-coupling of the United States.
2000
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/642/1/ICGuessgen.pdf
Guessgen, Florian (2000) "It fires back! The Impact of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy(CFSP) on the Evolution of a European identity". In: UNSPECIFIED, Corfu, Greece.
http://aei.pitt.edu/642/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:676
2011-02-15T23:44:04Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:677
2011-02-15T23:44:05Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:679
2011-02-15T23:44:06Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:692
2011-02-15T23:44:11Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:710
2011-02-15T23:44:20Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:805
2011-02-15T22:16:20Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D46:46303431
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D61727469636C65
From Amsterdam to Kosovo: Lessons for the future of CFSP
Duke, Simon
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
Serbia/Montenegro (to June 2006)
[Executive Summary]. Although the full effects of the Kosovo imbroglio will not be evident for some time to come and the Amsterdam Treaty has only just entered into effect, there is nevertheless a need to focus upon the extent to which the treaty’s provisions might help the EU and other associated organisations address future crises appropriately. The areas in which the Amsterdam Treaty’s provisions may prove to be inadequate, and there would appear to be many, also suggest the need to move beyond the largely paper security structures in Europe. Kosovo will have one of two effects; either it will rejuvenate the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and give practical effect to a common defence policy and common defence, or it will leave the security of the region largely in the hands of the US with all of the benefits and risks that this applies. The former will involve a change in approach to CFSP and a willingness to invest in appropriate military assets to address the causes and effects of primarily intra-state conflict. The latter will continue the patterns established during the cold war whereby the (west) Europeans rely heavily upon the US for initiative, leadership, and key military hardware. Kosovo marks a watershed in the sense that its effects may well make or break the CFSP.
1999
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/805/1/scop99_2_1.pdf
Duke, Simon (1999) From Amsterdam to Kosovo: Lessons for the future of CFSP. EIPASCOPE, 1999 (2). pp. 1-14.
http://aei.pitt.edu/805/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2092
2011-02-15T22:21:12Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706767656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D46:46303237
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D46:46303431
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Mediating international conflicts: Can the European Union do it effectively? Institutional Reform and its Impact on the Wars in the Former Yugoslavia between 1991-2001"
Grieshofer, Ulrike.
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Kosovo
Serbia/Montenegro (to June 2006)
Yugoslavia (former)
general
conflict resolution/crisis management
This paper will thus analyze the effectiveness of the European Union to intervene in the wars in the Balkans. I will argue that in 1991 the Union was not yet ready for an efficient and effective crisis management. This was the case, because the legal structure did not provide the necessary powers for the Member States to take appropriate action. The major constraints were, therefore, inherent to its institutional nature. I will illustrate these problems with the wars in the Former Yugoslavia. Gradually, from war to war and from new legal structure to new legal structure the Union evolved and as a positive result became more effective. Nevertheless, the processes of reform are slow and I will elaborate the institutional inefficiencies that still impede rapid action in 2001.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2092/1/002108_1.pdf
Grieshofer, Ulrike. (2001) "Mediating international conflicts: Can the European Union do it effectively? Institutional Reform and its Impact on the Wars in the Former Yugoslavia between 1991-2001". In: UNSPECIFIED. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2092/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2139
2011-02-15T22:21:23Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D46:46303131
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6D656469616D65646961
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The Italian media coverage of the EU in 1999: A distracted framing of political reality"
Mazzoleni, Gianpietro
Boni, Federico.
media
Kosovo
Italy
European elections/voting behavior
In this paper the Italian section of the international research on media coverage of the EU in the 1999 European elections is presented. The monitoring of Italian media coverage in 1999 has showed a strong national political and media space, and a very weak European one: the Italian media coverage and political debate had a "domestic" quality, and some important national events darkened the European issues. Nevertheless, the Kosovo war and the eventual peace process was an important issue for it was a good occasion for reporters and commentators to connect some European issues with it, thus creating a link between the Kosovo crisis and other European problems, such as the European Parliament elections.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2139/1/002190_1.PDF
Mazzoleni, Gianpietro and Boni, Federico. (2001) "The Italian media coverage of the EU in 1999: A distracted framing of political reality". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison. Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2139/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2140
2011-02-15T22:21:24Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303438
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303434
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"eEurope in action? Kosovo, ESDP, and the establishment of an internet pedagogy"
Mazzucelli, Colette.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Kosovo
information technology policy
information society
conflict resolution/crisis management
In its document, eEurope, the European Commission presents "a political initiative to ensure that the European Union fully benefits for generations to come from the changes the Information Society is bringing." There are three point in the eEurope document about bringing European youth into the Digital Age, Fast Internet for researchers and students and Government online that this paper addresses in the context of educational efforts to create an Internet pedagogy for conflict prevention. This paper argues that the conflict in Kosovo/a highlights the need for such a pedagogy that may serve as an indication to citizens of the potential for democratic transparency within the evolving European Security and Defense Policy. The case study presented here is a unique example of a transnational Internet seminar about Kosovo/a taught by a team of "fourth wave" educators and involving numerous practitioners.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2140/1/002133.PDF
Mazzucelli, Colette. (2001) "eEurope in action? Kosovo, ESDP, and the establishment of an internet pedagogy". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2140/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2208
2011-02-15T22:21:42Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303338
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D46:46303237
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
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"Lessons for the CFSP: Explaining multinational security policy change in the former Yugoslavia"
Wintz, Mark.
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Yugoslavia (former)
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
Bosnia/Herzegovina
NATO
[T]his paper examines the question of major international security policy change within a multinational context. I consider a range of decisions and actions taken within the framework of a Western security regime with regards to the ultimate interventions in both the Bosnian Civil War and the Kosovo crisis. By characterizing the Western powers in terms of an informal multinational security regime, I distinguish the policy making aspects of Western governments form their efforts at policy implementation (through various formal organizations, such as the United Nations, the Contact Group, the European Union, NATO, etc.). This distinction is necessary for two main reasons. First, form a practical and methodological perspective, a level of analysis needs to be identified and selected. Second (and perhaps more importantly), I would posit that in its current status, the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) resembles a regime much more than it does a simple international organization, alliance, supranational entity, etc. As such, a regime-level analysis of security policy change seems most appropriate. This paper will simply attempt to demonstrate the utility of a new framework of analysis (i.e., methodology) that may be easily applied to future studies of the CFSP process.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2208/1/002263_1.PDF
Wintz, Mark. (2001) "Lessons for the CFSP: Explaining multinational security policy change in the former Yugoslavia". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2208/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:3058
2011-02-15T22:25:14Z
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74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The European Union, The United States & 'Liberal Imperialism'"
Brenner, Michael.
EU-US
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Kosovo
UN
conflict resolution/crisis management
Bosnia/Herzegovina
NATO
[From the Introduction]. The Iraq crisis has been a stress test for the transatlantic partners. It is the latest in a series that at once has been revealing and redefining their relationship since the Cold War’s end. The first Gulf War, Bosnia, Kosovo: each measured the ability of Americans and Europeans to continue working effectively together. Each highlighted distinctive habits of national mind and action obscured by the exigencies of the Cold War. Each raised pointed questions about the pattern of interaction between the United States and its major allies. Each provided insights into the capabilities, limitations, and internal stresses of multilateral organizations: NATO, the EU, the United Nations. Each altered attitudes and images in ways that affected how the next crisis was handled. The strains generated by Iraq II are more grievous, and the ramifications consequentially will be more far-reaching, for two reasons. The deviation from the normal modes of address was so extreme, and the divisions so acute, that the Alliance’s viability as the premier institution for Euro-American cooperation was called into question. Moreover, the crisis raised strategic issues of supreme importance so that differences could not be finessed. Either common ground will be found or the Alliance will founder. Current attempts at effecting a reconciliation quicken our interest in assessing Euro-American futures. The challenge is to define viable terms of a renewed partnership while seeking consensus on a security agenda dominated by a novel set of issues. A salutary first step is to take a searching look at assumptions that shape the present discourse.
2005
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/3058/1/EUSA%2D055TX.txt
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/3058/2/EUSA%2D055TX.doc
Brenner, Michael. (2005) "The European Union, The United States & 'Liberal Imperialism'". In: UNSPECIFIED, Austin, Texas. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/3058/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:3373
2011-02-15T23:45:06Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6753
2011-02-15T22:44:19Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303338
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
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7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
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A European Balkans?. CEPS ESF Working Papers No. 18, 1 January 2005
Rupnik, Jacques
Serwer, Daniel
Shmelev, Boris
Heisbourg, Francois.
Russia
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
Bosnia/Herzegovina
At the Thessaloniki meeting of the European Council (June 2003), the prospect was laid out of including the Balkans, over time, within the European Union. How that vision is to be fulfilled is obviously very much open to question. Short-term events are going to put the Balkans at the centre of European security concerns over the coming months in the run-up to United Nations’ discussions on Kosovo’s final status in mid-2005. These include the Macedonian referendum, the deployment of EU forces in Bosnia-Herzegovina (operation Altea) and the rising aspirations of Kosovar Albanians for Kosovo's independence. This European Security Forum working paper looks at the approach of the EU, the US and Russia towards fostering stability and development in the region – in the face of its lagging transformation and growing worries about further conflict over Kosovo.
2005-01
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6753/1/1187_18.pdf
Rupnik, Jacques and Serwer, Daniel and Shmelev, Boris and Heisbourg, Francois. (2005) A European Balkans?. CEPS ESF Working Papers No. 18, 1 January 2005. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/6753/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6775
2011-02-15T22:44:26Z
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7375626A656374733D46:46303339
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Conditions for a European Intervention Strategy in Application of the ESDP and US/Nato Crisis Management. ZEI Discussion Paper C. 138, 2004
Rühl, Lothar.
Kosovo
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Serbia/Montenegro (to June 2006)
EU-US
Bosnia/Herzegovina
Macedonia
conflict resolution/crisis management
NATO
{From the Introduction]. Since the "Petersberg Tasks" for the "Western European Union" were adopted by the WEU council of foreign ministers in 1992, Europe has embarked on forays into the wide field of "hard security". The Petersberg decisions were a first step towards European participation in international peace support with military means, especially "tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peace-making", as the decision read. European armed forces have been deployed in crisis contingencies, either as the improvised "Allied Rapid Reaction Force" to break up the Serbian circle of artillery fire on Sarajevo in 1995 or later under Nato command & control in Bosnia, in Macedonia, in Kosovo and since the summer of 2003 in Afghanistan. At the end of 2004 the EU was set to take over from Nato in Bosnia as parent organisation for SFOR.
2004
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6775/1/dp_c138_ruehl.pdf
Rühl, Lothar. (2004) Conditions for a European Intervention Strategy in Application of the ESDP and US/Nato Crisis Management. ZEI Discussion Paper C. 138, 2004. [Discussion Paper] (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/6775/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6818
2011-02-15T22:44:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
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Zum Problem des Kosovo Status. = The problem of the status of Kosovo. ZEI Discussion Papers C. 144, 2005
Eiff, Hansjörg.
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
None available.
2005
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6818/1/dp_c144_eiff.pdf
Eiff, Hansjörg. (2005) Zum Problem des Kosovo Status. = The problem of the status of Kosovo. ZEI Discussion Papers C. 144, 2005. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/6818/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7536
2011-02-15T22:48:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D46:46303431
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Kosovo merits 'special status' as part of the EU. CEPS Policy Brief No. 143, 5 October 2007
Emerson, Michael.
Russia
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
enlargement
Serbia/Montenegro (to June 2006)
[From the Introduction]. The Kosovo issue has reached a state of impasse in the UN Security Council, with Russia having made it clear that it would veto any resolution recognising Kosovo’s independence from Serbia, unless Serbia would agree to this, which it will not - and indeed this is now made much more difficult by its newly revised constitution. And as long as Russia takes the lead with this blocking position, China is with them too. Neither is interested in Kosovo per se, but rather in their own domestic, regional and geopolitical interests.
2007-08
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7536/1/143.pdf
Emerson, Michael. (2007) Kosovo merits 'special status' as part of the EU. CEPS Policy Brief No. 143, 5 October 2007. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/7536/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7538
2011-02-15T22:48:44Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D45:45303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Kosovo and the Principles of Just Secession. CEPS Policy Brief No. 146, 3 December 2007
Coppieters, Bruno.
Kosovo
UN
conflict resolution/crisis management
NATO
Kosovo has raised three international debates. Firstly, NATO’s decision in March 1999 to go to war over Kosovo created a deep division within the United Nations. The second debate was about the creation of an international administration for Kosovo and the third is now about the future status of the territory. The six ‘just war’ principles – a just cause, last resort, likelihood of success, proportionality, right intentions and legitimate authority – are traditionally applied to war settings in order to assess the legitimacy of the use of force. They can be also used to answer the question of the extent to which the Kosovo conflict can serve as a political model for forceful external involvement in a secessionist crisis with severe humanitarian consequences. But these six jus ad bellum principles can also be of heuristic value for dealing with the legitimacy of the creation of an international administration in Kosovo, and with Kosovo’s right to unilateral secession and its recognition by other states.
2007-12
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7538/1/146.pdf
Coppieters, Bruno. (2007) Kosovo and the Principles of Just Secession. CEPS Policy Brief No. 146, 3 December 2007. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/7538/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7574
2011-02-15T22:48:58Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303136
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D67656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:436F6E7374346575726F7065
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
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7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303139
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
"Is Europe Back on Track? Impetus from the German EU Presidency." CEPS Working Document No. 273, July 2007
Kurpas, Sebastien,
Riecke, Henning.
Kosovo
Constitution for Europe
European Council-Presidency
EU-Middle East
Germany
energy policy (Including international arena)
Russia
EU-US
general
environmental policy (including international arena)
Rarely has an EU Presidency been met with such high expectations as Germany’s in the first half of 2007. With hindsight, it might be said that these expectations have largely been fulfilled. The agreement on a detailed mandate for the upcoming Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) under the Portuguese Presidency now offers a way forward for a Union that has been ‘in crisis’ since the French and Dutch no-votes. This report offers an overview of the German Presidency’s aims in the various policy areas and makes an assessment of the achievements of its six-month term. A summary of the content and structural background of German EU policy is given, explaining developments since unification, Germany’s motivations for European integration, public opinion on European integration and the stances taken by the key political players in Germany. Insight into the organisational structures of the Presidency appears in the annex. While acknowledging the difficulty of gauging the exact impact of the German presidency in relation to other factors, the report draws mostly positive conclusions on internal policies, where agreement on many concrete measures from the presidency’s work programme could be achieved, notably on the single market, justice and home affairs, climate protection and energy policy. With the ‘Berlin Declaration’ Germany achieved a show of unity for the future of the Union that was an auspicious start for the talks on treaty reform. While it is clear that the agreement reached was not only on Germany’s merit, the presidency played a prominent and constructive role throughout the negotiations. The mandate for the IGC is more than just a low common denominator and most parts of the Constitutional Treaty could be saved. In foreign policy, results were less tangible. Germany’s engagement helped to deepen the economic partnership with the US, but due to factors beyond the Presidency’s control, could not avoid deterioration in EU-Russia relations. In Kosovo and the Middle East, substantial settlements are also a long way off, but the EU is now preparing for an ambitious operation in Kosovo and Germany helped to engage the Middle East Quartet with the peace process, thus moving the conflict higher up on the international agenda. Overall it can be said that the pragmatic step-by-step approach of the German Presidency yielded better results than a sober look at the initial conditions would have suggested.
2007-07
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7574/1/Wd273.pdf
Kurpas, Sebastien, and Riecke, Henning. (2007) "Is Europe Back on Track? Impetus from the German EU Presidency." CEPS Working Document No. 273, July 2007. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/7574/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7582
2020-02-16T15:51:15Z
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“The European Union as a Normative Foreign Policy Actor.” CEPS Working Document No. 281, January 2008
Tocci, Nathalie,
Darbouche, Hakim,
Emerson, Michael,
Fernandes, Sandra,
Hanau-Santini, Ruth,
Noutcheva, Gergana,
Portela, Clara.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-Central and Eastern Europe
EU-Middle East
EU-North Africa/Maghreb
Russia
Ukraine
Belarus
Kosovo
Syria
India
This is the second in a series of papers from a new project entitled “Who is a normative foreign policy actor? The European Union and its Global Partners”. The first paper – entitled Profiling Normative Foreign Policy: The European Union and its Global Partners, by Nathalie Tocci, CEPS Working Document No. 279, December 2007 – set out the conceptual framework for exploring this question. The present paper constitutes one of several case studies applying this framework to the behaviour of the European Union, whereas the others to follow concern China, India, Russia and the United States. A normative foreign policy is rigorously defined as one that is normative according to the goals set, the means employed and the results obtained. Each of these studies explores eight actual case examples of foreign policy behaviour, selected in order to illustrate four alternative paradigms of foreign policy behaviour – the normative, the realpolitik, the imperialistic and the status quo. For each of these four paradigms, there are two examples of EU foreign policy, one demonstrating intended consequences and the other, unintended effects. The fact that examples can be found that fit all of these different types shows the importance of ‘conditioning factors’, which relate to the internal interests and capabilities of the EU as a foreign policy actor as well as the external context in which other major actors may be at work.
2008-01
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7582/1/Wd281.pdf
Tocci, Nathalie, and Darbouche, Hakim, and Emerson, Michael, and Fernandes, Sandra, and Hanau-Santini, Ruth, and Noutcheva, Gergana, and Portela, Clara. (2008) “The European Union as a Normative Foreign Policy Actor.” CEPS Working Document No. 281, January 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/7582/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7648
2011-02-15T22:49:24Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
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74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
spotlight Europe 2007/09, Dezember 2007: Kosovo: What Next? Corner-stones for a New EU Policy
García Schmidt, Armando
Tolksdorf, Dominik
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
Serbia/Montenegro (to June 2006)
There is little room for reaching an agreement on the status of Kosovo that is acceptable to all parties. All signs point toward a destabilizing status quo should the Kosovars unilaterally declare independence. Because the conflict over Kosovo threatens to undermine stability and democratic transformation throughout the region, the European Union must use all available political power in pressuring both sides to compromise.
2007-12
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7648/1/spotlight_europe_09_2007_Kosovo_englisch.pdf
García Schmidt, Armando and Tolksdorf, Dominik (2007) spotlight Europe 2007/09, Dezember 2007: Kosovo: What Next? Corner-stones for a New EU Policy. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/7648/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7660
2011-02-15T22:49:27Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Spotlight Europe 2007/01, January 2007: The Western Balkans in the Wake of the Ahtisaari Proposals - Fields of Action on the Path Leading to EU Membership
Tolksdorf, Dominik.
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
enlargement
In order to ensure the stability of South East Europe, it is absolutely essential to resolve the Kosovo status issue. The proposals submitted by UN mediator Martti Ahtisaari will only turn out to be a success if they receive unconditional support from all of the member states of the EU, and if the EU shows its willingness to embark on long-term involvement in Kosovo.
2007-01
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7660/1/Spotlight%20Engl%2001_2007.pdf
Tolksdorf, Dominik. (2007) Spotlight Europe 2007/01, January 2007: The Western Balkans in the Wake of the Ahtisaari Proposals - Fields of Action on the Path Leading to EU Membership. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/7660/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8040
2011-02-15T22:51:43Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Difficult Steps to the Enlargement of the EU (Some Legal Aspects): The EU’s Foreign and Enlargement Policy for the Western Balkans"
Smrkolj, Maja.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Kosovo
enlargement
conflict resolution/crisis management
[From the introduction] The foregoing summary of current events indicates the complexity of the situation the EU is dealing with on the Balkans. Currently, it seems that, apart from Croatia and partly Montenegro and Macedonia, the countries are still far away from any meaningful prospects regarding European integration. A detailed overview of all of the intricacies and activities of the European Union’s foreign policy in the Western Balkans is beyond the scope of this paper. Instead, the following discussion addresses the main institutional and legal issues with regard to the process of integration for the countries of the Western Balkans. This process, the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP), is a precondition to enlargement procedures. In the light of the current events, the final part addresses the particularities of the role foreseen for the EU in Kosovo.
2007
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8040/1/smrkolj%2Dm%2D02b.pdf
Smrkolj, Maja. (2007) "Difficult Steps to the Enlargement of the EU (Some Legal Aspects): The EU’s Foreign and Enlargement Policy for the Western Balkans". In: UNSPECIFIED, Montreal, Canada. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/8040/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8278
2011-02-15T22:53:12Z
7374617475733D707562
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7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
spotlight europe 2007/09: Was jetzt? Eckpunkte einer neuen Kosovopolitik der EU = spotlight europe 2007/09: What Next? Corner-stones for a New EU Policy
Schmidt, Armando Garcia
Tolksdorf, Dominik.
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
Die Kosovo-Frage kann kaum mehr einvernehmlich gelöst werden. Vieles deutet darauf hin, dass die Kosovaren durch eine Unabhängigkeitser-klärung neue Tatsachen schaffen werden. Der Kosovo-Konflikt gefährdet die Stabilität und Transformationsdynamik der ganzen Region. Die EU muss nun ihre ganze Macht einsetzen, weiter Druck auf die Beteiligten ausüben und die europäische Perspektive der Region neu definieren.
2007-12
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8278/1/spotlight_europe_09_2007_Kosovo.pdf
Schmidt, Armando Garcia and Tolksdorf, Dominik. (2007) spotlight europe 2007/09: Was jetzt? Eckpunkte einer neuen Kosovopolitik der EU = spotlight europe 2007/09: What Next? Corner-stones for a New EU Policy. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8278/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9884
2011-02-15T23:46:56Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9887
2014-04-08T13:32:59Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D45:45303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
spotlight europe January 2009/01: Kosovo 2009: Uncertain Future
Deimel, Johanna
Schmidt, Armando García.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
UN
The status of Kosovo continues to [be] controversial. Pristina and Belgrade are now even more at loggerheads than they were before the Kosovar Declaration of Independence in February 2008. Diverging interests in the EU and the United Nations have paralyzed the work of the international community. It is clear that the EU needs a new policy with which to create stability and make for clarity. Pristina must show some responsibility if it does not wish to jeopardize the future of Kosovo.
2009-01
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9887/1/xcms_bst_dms_27097_27098_2.pdf
Deimel, Johanna and Schmidt, Armando García. (2009) spotlight europe January 2009/01: Kosovo 2009: Uncertain Future. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/9887/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9888
2011-02-15T23:04:48Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D45:45303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
spotlight europe 2009/01: Der Kosovo vor unsicherer Zukunft. = Kosovo 2009: Uncertain future
Deimel, Johanna
Schmidt, Armando García.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
UN
Laut EU-Kommissar Olli Rehn soll 2009 zum Jahr des Westlichen Balkan werden. Im Falle des Kosovo wird das schwierig. Denn seit der kosovarischen Unabhängigkeitserklärung vom Februar 2008 sind Pristina und Belgrad stärker ineinander verkeilt als zuvor. Und Interessendivergenzen in der EU und den Vereinten Nationen lähmen die Arbeit der Internationalen Gemeinschaft.
2009-01
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9888/1/xcms_bst_dms_27095_27096_2.pdf
Deimel, Johanna and Schmidt, Armando García. (2009) spotlight europe 2009/01: Der Kosovo vor unsicherer Zukunft. = Kosovo 2009: Uncertain future. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/9888/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11080
2011-02-15T23:12:33Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D46:4647656F72676961
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Facing the Challenges of Separatism: The EU, Central Asia and the Uyghur Issue. EUCAM Policy Brief No. 4, 29 January 2009
Peyrouse, Sebastian.
Russia
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Kosovo
Georgia
conflict resolution/crisis management
During 2008, Kosovo independence, the Russo-Georgian war and the revival of tensions in Xinjiang and Tibet moved the question of separatism once again to the top of the international agenda. In Central Asia, where state-building remains difficult because of multiple domestic problems, the question of separatism is seen as crucial and the revival of the issue of Uyghur separatism in western China has caused widespread concern. This EUCAM Policy Brief addresses the difficulties of the questions of Kosovo and Georgia for EU strategy and the broad impact of these two cases upon the post-Soviet space in general, and Central Asia in particular.
2009-01
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11080/1/1787[1].pdf
Peyrouse, Sebastian. (2009) Facing the Challenges of Separatism: The EU, Central Asia and the Uyghur Issue. EUCAM Policy Brief No. 4, 29 January 2009. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11080/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11437
2011-02-15T23:47:16Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11468
2011-02-15T23:14:49Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Tackling Today's Complex Crises: EU-US Cooperation in Civilian Crisis Management. College of Europe EU Diplomacy Paper 04/2009, August 2009
Serar, Alice.
EU-US
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
NATO
The complex challenges posed by stabilization and reconstruction undertakings today require an unprecedented degree of coordination among both civilian and military tools of conflict response. Harnessing civilian resources has grown increasingly important to filling the gap between military intervention and sustainable peace. Policymakers within the European Union (EU) and the United States (U.S.) continue to adapt their respective crisis management concepts and approaches to meet these challenges more successfully. In light of the rising attention paid to this policy area, EU-U.S. cooperation in Civilian Crisis Management (CCM) has been deemed by one official interviewed as “an idea whose time has come”.1 A joint Work Plan recently signed by EU and U.S. officials and the U.S. contribution to the civilian mission of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) in Kosovo (EULEX Kosovo), the first case of U.S. participation in an ESDP mission, embarks on a new chapter in bilateral security relations. The partnership has been facilitated by the growing EU expertise in the field and the creation of the Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization (S/CRS) in the U.S. Department of State. Pledging to work together in areas from dialogue to personnel training to country analysis, both actors seek to improve their concepts and approaches and aim to partner in efforts on the ground. While cooperation has come underway in recent months, attempts in formalizing relations endured several years of efforts by policymakers. This paper asks to what extent the policy conceptions and approaches of the EU and U.S. in the area of non-military conflict response converge, why EU-U.S. cooperation in CCM has come so cautiously and how it is likely to develop in the future. I argue that the EU’s ‘comprehensive approach’ and the U.S.’s ‘whole of government’ approach are near equals in the integrated responses they aim to deliver. However, the development of EU-U.S. cooperation in this policy area has been confronted by the limitations of the larger transatlantic security relationship vis-à-vis the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). A warming of attitudes toward a bilateral security relationship will likely continue, but looking to the U.S. contribution to EULEX Kosovo as an indicator, I would argue that the relationship will face institutional complications and continue to struggle to strike a balance alongside the role of NATO in the task of confronting today’s complex crises.
2009-08
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11468/1/EDP_4_2009_Serar.pdf
Serar, Alice. (2009) Tackling Today's Complex Crises: EU-US Cooperation in Civilian Crisis Management. College of Europe EU Diplomacy Paper 04/2009, August 2009. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11468/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11495
2011-02-15T23:15:00Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
What is ‘just’ secession? (Is Kosovo unique)? ESF Working Papers No. 28, 13 February 2008
Coppieters, Bruno
Emerson, Michael
Bugajskiand, Janusz
Trenin, Dmitri.
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
The 28th session of the European Security Forum, on 11 February 2008, was timed one week before the expected declaration of independence by the government of Kosovo. The widespread expectation is that the US and a progressive cascade of EU member states will recognise Kosovo, and that the EU will go ahead with a major ‘rule of law’ mission there without further UN resolution (arguing that the wording of the existing Resolution 1244 is sufficiently elastic to authorise this action). It is further expected that one or more EU member states (such as Cyprus) will oppose recognition, but will not prevent this mission from being launched.
2008-02
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11495/1/1601.pdf
Coppieters, Bruno and Emerson, Michael and Bugajskiand, Janusz and Trenin, Dmitri. (2008) What is ‘just’ secession? (Is Kosovo unique)? ESF Working Papers No. 28, 13 February 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11495/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11511
2011-02-15T23:15:06Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D46:4641726D656E6961
7375626A656374733D46:46417A65726261696A616E
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Der Berg-Karabach-Konflikt nach der Unabhängigkeit des Kosovo. = The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict after the independence of Kosovo. ZEI Discussion Paper C 193, 2009
Manutscharjan, Aschot L.
Azerbaijan
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
Armenia
No abstract.
2009
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11511/1/dp_c193_Manutscharjan.pdf
Manutscharjan, Aschot L. (2009) Der Berg-Karabach-Konflikt nach der Unabhängigkeit des Kosovo. = The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict after the independence of Kosovo. ZEI Discussion Paper C 193, 2009. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11511/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11714
2011-02-15T23:16:19Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D46:46303431
7375626A656374733D46:5365726269614A756E65333030366F6E
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:73706469736372696D696E6174696F6E6D696E6F726974696573
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
The Presevo Valley of Southern Serbia alongside Kosovo: The Case for Decentralisation and Minority Protection. CEPS Policy Brief No. 120, January 2007
Huszka, Beata.
Serbia (June 2006-on)
Kosovo
discrimination/minorities
conflict resolution/crisis management
Serbia/Montenegro (to June 2006)
Situated in southern Serbia and bordering on Macedonia and Kosovo, Presevo Valley is home to Serbia’s Albanian minority. Although the Valley has been calm in the last few years and the resurgence of armed conflict is unlikely at the moment, the situation is still fragile and continues to pose a potential security threat for the wider region. As the solution to Kosovo’s status is approaching, the problems of Albanians in Presevo Valley deserve serious attention. There are two main sources of security threats: one is the potential influx of Serbian refugees, the other is Kosovo’s (hypothetical) partition. The latter could potentially lead to the outbreak of violence, as Albanians of the Valley recently declared their intention to be united with Kosovo if the Serbian villages in the North of Kosovo would join Serbia. This Policy Brief argues, however, that the Serbian government could reduce the chances of conflict by addressing some everyday problems faced by the Albanian minority, which could take the wind out of the sails of potential irredentists. Albanian grievances centre on issues such as their weak presence in the public sector, high unemployment, limited implementation of their language rights and the lack of economic development. Some of these problems could be effectively addressed through strengthening local autonomy, which could be part of the solution. It is argued here that continuation with the Covic plan, which combines decentralisation and demilitarisation, could bring about the desired stability for the region, which needs continued attention and assistance from international bodies, among them the European Union.
2007-01
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11714/1/1428.pdf
Huszka, Beata. (2007) The Presevo Valley of Southern Serbia alongside Kosovo: The Case for Decentralisation and Minority Protection. CEPS Policy Brief No. 120, January 2007. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11714/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11718
2011-02-15T23:16:21Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D46:46303430
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D46:4647656F72676961
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
'Outsourcing' de facto Statehood: Russia and the Secessionist Entities in Georgia and Moldova. CEPS Policy Brief 109, July 2006
Popescu, Nicu.
Kosovo
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Georgia
Moldova
Russia
conflict resolution/crisis management
This paper attempts to map Russia’s policies towards the conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transnistria. The first part discusses Russia’s role in the conflicts during the 1990s and gives some background information on the secessionist conflicts in Georgia and Moldova. The second part discusses policy trends in the Russian Federation that have inspired a new feeling of self-confidence. The third part analyses how the new Russian self-confidence is resulting in new pro-active policies towards the secessionist entities. These policies include political, economic and diplomatic support, state-building assistance, maintaining the status quo, making use of the ‘Kosovo precedent’ and taking over some of the institutions of the secessionist entities.
2006-07
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11718/1/1361.pdf
Popescu, Nicu. (2006) 'Outsourcing' de facto Statehood: Russia and the Secessionist Entities in Georgia and Moldova. CEPS Policy Brief 109, July 2006. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11718/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:12358
2019-06-11T20:58:07Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D46:4641666768616E697374616E
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Strategic Communication for Crisis Management Operations of International Organisations: ISAF Afghanistan and EULEX Kosovo. EU Diplomacy Paper 1/2010, January 2010
Peters, Severin
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
NATO
Afghanistan
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
Strategic communication is crucial for the success of civilian and military crisis management operations. Domestic publics have to be convinced that the operations are worth pursuing, and the publics in the countries where the operations take place have to be persuaded to support the missions’ objectives. Two major security actors have recently increased their strategic communication efforts: the EU, with EULEX Kosovo, and NATO, with the ISAF mission. Through a comparative study of these two cases, this paper addresses the question how and why strategic communication of the EU and NATO in crisis management operations varies and what general principles of strategic communication of international organisations can be deduced. NATO has recently stepped up its communication activities due to domestic pressure, while communication for EULEX remains technical and information-oriented because of the political disagreements among EU member states regarding Kosovo. I argue that five factors determine the communicative roles of international organisations: the role of the member states, the need for domestic ratification, the possibility of promoting the international organisation through the operation, the international organisation’s communicative capabilities and the importance of the foreign public to the success of the operation. The member states’ communicative activity largely determines the communicative tasks of international organisations. If member states require domestic ratification, they are likely to boost their domestic communication efforts, which makes a ‘unity of message’ difficult for international organisations that then have to focus primarily on coordinating member states’ domestic communication efforts. Additionally, member states are generally more reluctant to communicate to foreign publics, forcing international organisations to assume communicative leadership.
2010-01
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/12358/1/EDP_1_2010_Peters.pdf
Peters, Severin (2010) Strategic Communication for Crisis Management Operations of International Organisations: ISAF Afghanistan and EULEX Kosovo. EU Diplomacy Paper 1/2010, January 2010. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/12358/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:14315
2011-02-15T23:32:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Normative Power Rivalry? The European Union, Russia and the Question of Kosovo. College of Europe EU Diplomacy Paper 6/2010
Steinkohl, Jan.
Russia
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
This paper analyses the concept of normative power rivalry. Assuming that normative power can lead to rivalry between international actors, the conditions under which the European Union’s norms can cause rivalry and conflict are investigated. The hypothesis holds that the greater the clash in relevant norms, the more likely differences between them will lead to conflict. In order to test this supposition, a constructivist approach is developed and applied in a case study of the interaction between Russia and the European Union on the issue of Kosovo. It is argued that the EU’s and Russia’s interpretations of sovereignty, international law and multilateralism conflicted, thus leading to normative power rivalry over Kosovo.
2010-06
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/14315/1/EDP_6_2010_Steinkohl.pdf
Steinkohl, Jan. (2010) Normative Power Rivalry? The European Union, Russia and the Question of Kosovo. College of Europe EU Diplomacy Paper 6/2010. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/14315/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:15448
2011-02-15T23:40:52Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:4430303268726469
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Time for justice in Kosovo. CEPS Commentary, 6 January 2010 (2011)
Emerson, Michael
Wouters, Jan.
Kosovo
human rights & democracy initiatives
conflict resolution/crisis management
In response to the horrific clan-based criminality, human trafficking and corruption that is rampant throughout Kosovo, Michael Emerson and Jan Wouters explore the options available to the EU in its self-appointed role as the leading force for the political transformation and economic integration of the whole of the Western Balkans into modern Europe and its values.
2011-01
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/15448/1/ME_on_Kosovo.pdf
Emerson, Michael and Wouters, Jan. (2011) Time for justice in Kosovo. CEPS Commentary, 6 January 2010 (2011). [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/15448/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32570
2011-12-31T14:47:17Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D67656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
74797065733D626F6F6B
An Integrated Civil Police Force for the European Union: Tasks, Profile and Doctrine. CEPS Paperback. June 2002
Jean, Carlo
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
general
The European response and presence in the "war against terrorism" following the September 11th attacks on the US have been markedly ineffective. In order to meet the challenges of the 21st century, the EU must replace old stereotypes of cooperation and goodwill with a more realistic political-strategic culture of crisis management. This report addresses these challenges by assessing a variety of issues related to an integrated European civil police force (EUCIVPOL). The text provides a comprehensive list of recommendations for achieving peace and stability, including suggestions for police deployment and state rehabilitation.
2002-06
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32570/1/9._An_Integrated_Civil_Police_Force_for_the_EU.pdf
http://www.ceps.be/book/integrated-civil-police-force-european-union-tasks-profile-and-doctrine
Jean, Carlo (2002) An Integrated Civil Police Force for the European Union: Tasks, Profile and Doctrine. CEPS Paperback. June 2002. Series > Centre for European Policy Studies (Brussels) > CEPS Paperbacks <http://aei.pitt.edu/view/series/SMCEPSPaperbacks.html> . UNSPECIFIED. ISBN 9290793791
http://aei.pitt.edu/32570/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32589
2011-10-23T20:01:53Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D746572726F7269736D
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D46:666368696E61
74797065733D626F6F6B
Readings in European Security, Volume 3. CEPS Paperback. November 2005
Allin, Dana H.
Emerson, Michael
Bigo, Didier
Brookes, Peter
Clawson, Patrick
Federov, Andrei
Heisbourg, François
Kobrinskaya, Irina
Rumer, Eugene B.
Rupnik, Jacques
Sazhin, Vladimir.
Serwer, Daniel
Shapiro, Jeremy
Shmelev, Boris
Tertrais, Bruno
Voskressenski, Alexei D.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-US
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Russia
Kosovo
China
terrorism
The ambition of this latest volume of Readings in European Security is to serve as a prism, through which the EU’s external relations and security can be assessed, with contributions from its American and Russian partners. It contains the complete set of working papers (Nos. 16 through 20) during the period January 2003 to June 2005. International experts tackle strategic issues such as Russia’s relationship with the West, the rise of China (with special reference to arms supplies), Iran’s nuclear programme and European ‘homeland security’ against the background of global terrorism. On these issues and others, transatlantic relations continue to be more relevant than ever, with the US and the EU intertwined in the world’s tightest network of economic and societal relations. Further, Russia’s management of its security challenges also has an impact on its relations with the EU and the US. As the enlarging EU stretches to cover an expanding area of competence, its responses to these challenges affect not only its internal security, but increasingly that of its neighbours and other powerful actors on the world stage.
Centre for European Policy Studies; International Institute for Security Studies
2005-11
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32589/1/28._Readings_in_European_Security_(vol_3).pdf
http://www.ceps.eu/book/readings-european-security-volume-3
Allin, Dana H. and Emerson, Michael and Bigo, Didier and Brookes, Peter and Clawson, Patrick and Federov, Andrei and Heisbourg, François and Kobrinskaya, Irina and Rumer, Eugene B. and Rupnik, Jacques and Sazhin, Vladimir. and Serwer, Daniel and Shapiro, Jeremy and Shmelev, Boris and Tertrais, Bruno and Voskressenski, Alexei D. (2005) Readings in European Security, Volume 3. CEPS Paperback. November 2005. Series > Centre for European Policy Studies (Brussels) > CEPS Paperbacks <http://aei.pitt.edu/view/series/SMCEPSPaperbacks.html> . Centre for European Policy Studies; International Institute for Security Studies. ISBN 9290795905
http://aei.pitt.edu/32589/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32638
2011-12-31T14:12:52Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303133
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:6663723230303839
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303134
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D46:666368696E61
74797065733D626F6F6B
Readings in European Security. Volume 5. CEPS Paperbacks. June 2009
Emerson, Michael
Heisbourg, François
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-US
EU-Middle East
EU-Islam
Russia
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
China
financial crisis 2008-on/reforms/economic governance
The fifth volume of Readings in European Security tackles the big issues of European and global security in these turbulent political and economic times, offering expert analysis under the following headings: Is there a way for the Greater Middle East?; Does Europe Need a New Missile Defence System?; What is ‘just’ secession? (Is Kosovo unique?); What prospects for normative foreign policy in a multipolar world?; Policies of the EU, Russia and US towards the Rise of China; The Strategic Consequences of the Global Financial and Economic Crisis.
Emerson, Michael
2009-06
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32638/1/61._Readings_in_European_Security_(vol_5).pdf
http://www.ceps.eu/book/readings-european-security-volume-5
Emerson, Michael and Heisbourg, François (2009) Readings in European Security. Volume 5. CEPS Paperbacks. June 2009. Series > Centre for European Policy Studies (Brussels) > CEPS Paperbacks <http://aei.pitt.edu/view/series/SMCEPSPaperbacks.html> . UNSPECIFIED. ISBN 9789290798286
http://aei.pitt.edu/32638/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:33053
2013-03-17T01:23:04Z
7374617475733D7375626D6974746564
7375626A656374733D45:45303039
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D46:46416C62616E6961
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
Rebuilding Kosovo: cooperation or competition between the EU and NATO?
Dursun-Ozkanca, Oya
NATO
OSCE/Helsinki Process/CSCE
Albania
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
Civil wars and humanitarian contingencies are a common fact of life in many societies. In the post-cold war era, bringing an end to intrastate conflicts and building a long-lasting peace have become important policy agenda items of the international community. However, the knowledge about how international and regional organizations cooperate with one another in post-conflict reconstruction is very limited. Increasingly, the study of security must confront the question of how international organizations such as the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), and the North Atlantic Treaty Association (NATO) can best learn to effectively deal with post-conflict situations.
This paper contributes to the international security and organizations literature through an examination of international community’s post-conflict reconstruction activities in Kosovo. The need to come up with a comprehensive analysis of the factors that make the difference between successful peace-building and failure is not merely theoretical. Post-conflict reconstruction in Kosovo has wide-ranging implications on European and international security.
After the failure of the negotiations to settle its future status, Kosovo has made headlines through its unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia on February 17, 2008. The response from the international community will be a litmus test for determining the success of international organizations in producing enduring peace in post-conflict zones. Consequently, this article conducts a case study of the division of labor between UN, NATO, OSCE and EU as well as the effectiveness of cooperation between them in rebuilding Kosovo and attracts attention to the importance of effective division of labor between international institutions in the field. It presents the results of a comparative analysis of the institutional responses of each organization to the situation in Kosovo conducted through an analysis of official documents of these missions. It finally addresses the following question: What can be done to improve the effectiveness of comprehensive and multi-dimensional peace-building activities by international and regional organizations? The findings of this research have profound implications on other post-conflict reconstruction cases, such as Bosnia-Herzegovina, Iraq, and Afghanistan, as well as on the future of NATO-ESDP relations.
2009
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/33053/1/dursun%2Dozkanca._oya.pdf
http://www.euce.org/eusa2009/papers.php
Dursun-Ozkanca, Oya (2009) Rebuilding Kosovo: cooperation or competition between the EU and NATO? In: UNSPECIFIED. (Submitted)
http://aei.pitt.edu/33053/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:33147
2012-05-12T21:14:34Z
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7375626A656374733D46:46303338
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
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7375626A656374733D46:46303339
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
EU internal security policies in the Western Balkans: analysing the intersection between enlargement and civilian crisis management
Trauner, Florian.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Bosnia/Herzegovina
Macedonia
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
This paper analyses the EU’s strategy and foreign policy toolbox for engaging the Western Balkan countries in achieving its goals in the area of justice and home affairs (JHA). It argues that the EU involves the Western Balkan countries in a dual-track strategy. By providing them with the prospect of future membership, the EU has initiated a pre-accession process which aims not only at strengthening cooperation in the JHA field but at gradually transforming these states into full-fledged member states that are capable of participating themselves in the European area of freedom, security and justice. EU external governance within the Stabilisation and Association Process is guided by a strategy of rule transfer based on conditionality, where network governance acts as a complement rather than a replacement for governance by conditionality. In addition, the EU has deployed ESDP police and rule of law missions in order to achieve its internal security objectives in those Western Balkan countries where the JHA-related activities of the Stabilisation and Association Process were deemed insufficient (Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo). The paper concludes by arguing that EU cooperation in justice and home affairs vis-á-vis these countries has become one of the driving forces of the EU’s overall foreign policy engagement in the region.
2009
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/33147/1/trauner._florian.pdf
http://www.euce.org/eusa2009/papers.php
Trauner, Florian. (2009) EU internal security policies in the Western Balkans: analysing the intersection between enlargement and civilian crisis management. In: UNSPECIFIED. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/33147/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:38188
2017-12-14T16:38:49Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D46:5365726269614A756E65333030366F6E
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:73706469736372696D696E6174696F6E6D696E6F726974696573
7375626A656374733D46:46416C62616E6961
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Ongoing Pristina – Belgrade Talks: from Decentralization to Regional Cooperation and Future Perspectives. EDAP 4/2012
Cukani, Entela
Albania
Kosovo
Serbia (June 2006-on)
discrimination/minorities
On 17 February 2008, Kosovo declared independence, ending its nine years unresolved status. The principal goal was, and remains, the need to involve different communities in the state structures. The new state, which aims to fulfil all the obligations set by the Ahtisaari plan, is trying to complete the decentralization process the implementation of which continuous to face obstacles in the two main communities: the Serbs and the Albanians. This article discusses matters related to community acceptance of the decentralization process, the functioning of the parallel structures, the situation in North Kosovo and the on - going talks between Pristina and Belgrade. The article provides evidences that while the implementation of the decentralization process is the best possibility for Kosovo, it must not follow only an ethnic line.
2012
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/38188/1/2012_edap04_pdf.pdf
http://www.eurac.edu/en/research/institutes/imr/activities/Bookseries/edap/Download.html
Cukani, Entela (2012) Ongoing Pristina – Belgrade Talks: from Decentralization to Regional Cooperation and Future Perspectives. EDAP 4/2012. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/38188/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:41611
2013-04-16T17:57:11Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D46:5365726269614A756E65333030366F6E
7375626A656374733D46:46303339
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Enlargement Agenda - Special focus on Macedonia, Serbia and Kosovo. CEPS Commentary, 27 March 2013
Fouéré, Erwan
enlargement
Macedonia
Kosovo
Serbia (June 2006-on)
This CEPS Commentary notes that this is a critical time for the EU’s enlargement agenda with competing interests at play – between those who suggest that further enlargement is a heavy burden that the EU can ill afford in the current economic climate, and others who continue to believe that extending the frontiers of peace and security to include the Balkan countries will make the EU a safer place. To counter the naysayers, Erwan Fouéré underlines the importance for the EU to show that its current strategy continues to deliver dividends, as it certainly does in the case of Kosovo and Serbia. He further advises the EU to be ready to adapt its strategy where necessary, as in the case of Macedonia, by using whatever leverage it has in a more direct and consistent way and ensuring that its policy objectives and strategy in this area are based on the progress assessment narrative and not the other way around. In his view, opening accession negotiations with Macedonia will be the only way to prevent the country from sinking into further political instability.
2013-03
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/41611/1/Fou%C3%83%C2%A9r%C3%83%C2%A9_on_Balkan_enlargement.pdf
http://www.ceps.be/book/enlargement-agenda-special-focus-macedonia-serbia-and-kosovo
Fouéré, Erwan (2013) Enlargement Agenda - Special focus on Macedonia, Serbia and Kosovo. CEPS Commentary, 27 March 2013. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/41611/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:41994
2013-05-12T18:05:39Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D46:5365726269614A756E65333030366F6E
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Facilitated dialogue in the Balkans vindicates the EEAS. CEPS Commentary, 29 April 2013
Blockmans, Steven.
Kosovo
Serbia (June 2006-on)
As a result of EEAS-led facilitated dialogue, on April 19th the prime ministers of Serbia and Kosovo reached their first agreement on the principles governing the normalisation of relations. The agreement handed Catherine Ashton a diplomatic victory she badly needed and offered proof of the added value of the European External Action Service (EEAS) as a new EU foreign policy actor.
2013-04
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/41994/1/S_Blockmans_Commentary_EU_facilitated_dialogue.pdf
Blockmans, Steven. (2013) Facilitated dialogue in the Balkans vindicates the EEAS. CEPS Commentary, 29 April 2013. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/41994/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:43469
2013-10-02T18:03:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303338
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
74797065733D61727469636C65
Bosnia, Kosovo and the EU: Is Accession Possible without
Full Sovereignty?
Koeth,, Wolfgang
enlargement
Bosnia/Herzegovina
Kosovo
Bosnia and Kosovo are the only two members of the EU enlargement
zone that have never tried to apply for EU membership, given that both
are too far from complying with the required minimum standards.
But besides lacking basic capacities, these two potential candidates
share another common feature: both are limited, to different degrees,
in their national sovereignty. This lack of sovereignty not only limits
the capacity of the potential candidates to negotiate or to enter into
agreements with the EU; it also undermines their readiness to undertake
serious reforms. The EU tries to dodge the political blockades that are
the root cause of the problem by focusing on the technical issues;
this might provide a temporary relief but cannot substitute a realistic
accession perspective, which is currently absent. However, without this
perspective, the EU’s ‘normative power’ in these countries will continue
to erode – which bears the risk that both Kosovo and Bosnia will, in the
end, try to solve existing problems through unilateral measures, such
as partition. Given its lack of ability to provide alternatives, the EU has
to realistically consider such outcomes and think about the possible
consequences.
2012
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/43469/1/20120710143924_WKO_Eipascope2012.pdf
http://www.eipa.eu/files/repository/eipascope/20120710143924_WKO_Eipascope2012.pdf
Koeth,, Wolfgang (2012) Bosnia, Kosovo and the EU: Is Accession Possible without Full Sovereignty? EIPAScope, 2012 (1). pp. 31-36. ISSN 1025-6253
http://aei.pitt.edu/43469/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:43480
2013-10-02T18:04:21Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303338
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
74797065733D61727469636C65
La Bosnie, le Kosovo et l’UE: une adhésion est-elle possible en l’absence d’une pleine souveraineté? = Bosnia, Kosovo and the EU: Is Accession Possible without Full Sovereignty?
Koeth, Wolfgang
enlargement
Bosnia/Herzegovina
Kosovo
No abstract.
2012
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/43480/1/20121218101111_WKO_Eipascope2012_1_FR.pdf
http://www.eipa.eu/files/repository/eipascope/20121218101111_WKO_Eipascope2012_1_FR.pdf
Koeth, Wolfgang (2012) La Bosnie, le Kosovo et l’UE: une adhésion est-elle possible en l’absence d’une pleine souveraineté? = Bosnia, Kosovo and the EU: Is Accession Possible without Full Sovereignty? EIPAScope, 2012 (1). pp. 1-6. ISSN 1025-6253
http://aei.pitt.edu/43480/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:44653
2013-11-03T02:09:34Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:65666167656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D46:46303338
7375626A656374733D41:414E474F73
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D536368656E67656E
7375626A656374733D46:464D6F6E74656E6567726F323030366F6E
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D46:5365726269614A756E65333030366F6E
7375626A656374733D41:41303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D6173796C756D706F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D46:46416C62616E6961
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
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7375626A656374733D41:41303239
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7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D696D6D6967726174696F6E706F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:65666165636F6E6F6D6963706F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:656E6C617267656D656E745472656174797265666F726D29
7375626A656374733D44:44303035
7375626A656374733D46:46303339
74797065733D61727469636C65
The Theory of Interhybridity: Socio-political Dimensions and Migration Experiences of Post-communist Western Balkan States
Aliu, Armando
civil society
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
NGOs
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
regionalism, international
human rights & democracy initiatives
EU institutions & developments
Bosnia/Herzegovina
Macedonia
Albania
Kosovo
Montenegro (June 2006-on)
Serbia (June 2006-on)
economic policy
general
employment/unemployment
enlargement (see Treaty reform)
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
governance: EU & national level
Schengen/Prum/border control/freedom to travel
asylum policy
immigration policy
The Western Balkans integration within the EU has started a legal process which is the rejection of former communist legal/political approaches and the transformation of former communist institutions. Indeed, the EU agenda has brought vertical/horizontal integration and Europeanization of national institutions (i.e. shifting power to the EU institutions and international authorities). At this point, it is very crucial to emphasize the fact that the Western Balkans as a whole region has currently an image that includes characteristics of both the Soviet socialism and the European democracy. The EU foreign policies and enlargement strategy for Western Balkans have significant effects on four core factors (i.e. Schengen visa regulations, remittances, asylum and migration as an aggregate process). The convergence/divergence of EU member states’ priorities for migration policies regulate and even shape directly the migration dynamics in migrant sender countries. From this standpoint, the research explores how main migration factors are influenced by political and judicial factors such as; rule of law and democracy score, the economic liberation score, political and human rights, civil society score and citizenship rights in Western Balkan countries. The proposal of interhybridity explores how the hybridization of state and non-state actors within home and host countries can solve labor migration-related problems. The economical and sociopolitical labor-migration model of Basu (2009) is overlapping with the multidimensional empirical framework of interhybridity. Indisputably, hybrid model (i.e. collaboration state and non-state actors) has a catalyst role in terms of balancing social problems and civil society needs. Paradigmatically, it is better to perceive the hybrid model as a combination of communicative and strategic action that means the reciprocal recognition within the model is precondition for significant functionality. This will shape social and industrial relations with moral meanings of communication.
MPRA - Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München
Allimadi , Michael Mwa
2013-01-29
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/44653/1/The_Theory_of_Interhybridity.pdf
http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/44056/
Aliu, Armando (2013) The Theory of Interhybridity: Socio-political Dimensions and Migration Experiences of Post-communist Western Balkan States. Munich Personal RePEc Archive. pp. 1-45.
http://aei.pitt.edu/44653/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:47308
2017-12-14T17:03:23Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:443030316C61776C6567616C61666661697273
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
A Critique of Kosovo’s Internationalized Constitutional Court. EDAP 2/2014
Capussela , Andrea Lorenzo
law & legal affairs-general (includes international law)
enlargement
Kosovo
The quality and the sustainability of the democratic institutions established in post-independence Kosovo under the guidance of the international community depend to a large extent on the performance of its constitutional court. The considerable international investment in that court reflects this assessment. One of the reasons why Kosovo’s international supervision has recently been terminated is that such court has been deemed to be functioning well. But its performance has not yet adequately been scrutinized. This essay reviews its most significant judgments, including decisions that deposed a president, annulled a presidential election, prevented a general election, and abolished the inviolability of parliament. The analysis of the reasons and effects of such rulings leads to the conclusion that the court gravely lacks independence and is subject to heavy political interference, which also the international judges do not seem immune from. The performance of the court is both a manifestation and a cause of Kosovo’s acute governance problems, which its international supervision has failed to remedy. The international community’s approach towards the court is also an illustration of the reasons why statebuilding in Kosovo led to unsatisfactory results, despite unprecedented investment.
2014
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/47308/1/2014_edap02.pdf
http://www.eurac.edu/en/research/institutes/imr/activities/bookseries/edap/Documents/2014_edap02.pdf
Capussela , Andrea Lorenzo (2014) A Critique of Kosovo’s Internationalized Constitutional Court. EDAP 2/2014. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/47308/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:47311
2017-12-14T17:03:44Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303338
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:443030316C61776C6567616C61666661697273
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
"Viewers should not try this at home". Die Verfassungsgerichte Bosnien-Herzegowinas und Kosovos in deren Rolle als Schlichtungsinstanzen in ethnopolitischen Konflikten = The constitutional courts of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo in their role as arbitration bodies in ethno-political conflicts. EDAP 1/2014
Graziadei , Stefan
law & legal affairs-general (includes international law)
enlargement
Bosnia/Herzegovina
Kosovo
The article analyzes the role of constitutional courts in Bosnia and Kosovo, both characterized by their partly internationalized membership, in the adjudication of cases
that are highly controversial between the different ethno-political factions. The main focus is on the Constitutional Court of Bosnia, which presents one of the richest and most
interesting examples of “lawfare” in divided societies. The concept of lawfare has been adapted to refer to the continuation of political battles by ethno-political actors through legal means, in this case, constitutional adjudication. In Kosovo, the Constitutional Court
has been an important defender of diversity, albeit its primary focus and merit are to have contributed to the establishment of a concept of democracy close to the people of Kosovo. The article concludes that constitutional courts represent important institutions of internal
conflict resolution in divided societies, which have been instrumental in shaping multiculturalism in these post-conflict societies divided by deep ethnic cleavages.
2014
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/47311/1/2014_edap01.pdf
http://www.eurac.edu/en/research/institutes/imr/activities/bookseries/edap/Documents/2014_edap01.pdf
Graziadei , Stefan (2014) "Viewers should not try this at home". Die Verfassungsgerichte Bosnien-Herzegowinas und Kosovos in deren Rolle als Schlichtungsinstanzen in ethnopolitischen Konflikten = The constitutional courts of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo in their role as arbitration bodies in ethno-political conflicts. EDAP 1/2014. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/47311/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:52664
2019-10-31T20:54:15Z
7374617475733D7375626D6974746564
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
74797065733D70726F63656564696E6773
Transitional Justice and Security Sector Reform: The Role of the EU and other Multilateral Institutions in Building Kosovo's Police Force
Crossley-Frolick, Katy A.
Dursun-Ozkanca, Oya
Kosovo
Security Sector Reform (SSR) and transitional justice are increasingly viewed as mutually supporting methodologies in post-conflict situations, yet the relationship between them is largely underexplored, even if they share many of the same goals: accountability for past crimes, capacity building to strengthen the rule of law, and deterrence. This article traces and analyzes the inter-institutional division of labor between the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Mission in Kosovo, the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), and the EU Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) concerning police reform and transitional justice processes in Kosovo.
Transitional justice and SSR are critical in post-conflict settings, particularly when it comes to the reform of judicial systems, intelligence services, police, correctional systems, and the military, and addressing systemic massive human rights abuses committed by individuals representing these institutions. Accordingly, the SSR and transitional justice nexus deserves a special attention from the academic community. International efforts in Kosovo to build a multiethnic police force provide an interesting case study. After briefly summarizing the evolution of cooperation on SSR and transitional justice matters between different international organizations in Kosovo, the paper provides an overview of the literature on transitional justice, SSR and police reform, outlines the role of international organizations in establishing the police service, and discusses the process of recruiting minorities into the force. Following a discussion of some of the obstacles and challenges associated with building and reforming the police, the final section of the paper discusses the linkage between SSR and transitional justice and concludes with a summary of key findings.
2011
Conference Proceedings
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/52664/1/DURSUN%2DOZKANCA.pdf
Crossley-Frolick, Katy A. and Dursun-Ozkanca, Oya (2011) Transitional Justice and Security Sector Reform: The Role of the EU and other Multilateral Institutions in Building Kosovo's Police Force. [Conference Proceedings] (Submitted)
http://aei.pitt.edu/52664/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:58032
2014-12-06T19:47:49Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303338
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
74797065733D6F74686572
Bosnia i Hercegowina wobec pytania o tozsamosc. Kosowo - kewstia ostatecznego statusu. Prace OSW 10/2003 = Bosnia and Herzegovina: facing the question of identity. Kosovo - the question of final status. OSW Study 10/2003
Tekieli, Stanislaw
Stanislawski, Wojciech
Balcer, Adam
enlargement
Bosnia/Herzegovina
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
In June 2003, during a meeting held in Saloniki, the leaders of European Union member states turned to the presidents and heads of the governments of five Western Balkans nations – Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro, Macedonia, and Albania – assuring them that Brussels sees a future for the entire region in Europe and that, without their membership in the EU, the integration of the continent would not be complete. Of these five – actually six, as Kosovo’s protectorate was represented by a separate delegation: the Prime Minister, President, the Head of the international administration, and a representative of the Serbian party – only Croatia can count on quick integration. The membership of the remaining countries is being spoken of (unofficially) in the perspective of ten to fifteen years. However, no EU diplomat is able to answer the question of how the integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo, with the EU, will look in practice – these two organisms exist solely owing to the will and efforts of the international community.
Labuszewska, Anna
2003-08
Other
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/58032/1/prace_10_1.pdf
http://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-studies/2003-08-15/kosovo-question-final-status
Tekieli, Stanislaw and Stanislawski, Wojciech and Balcer, Adam (2003) Bosnia i Hercegowina wobec pytania o tozsamosc. Kosowo - kewstia ostatecznego statusu. Prace OSW 10/2003 = Bosnia and Herzegovina: facing the question of identity. Kosovo - the question of final status. OSW Study 10/2003. UNSPECIFIED.
http://aei.pitt.edu/58032/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:58059
2014-12-06T20:43:14Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
74797065733D6F74686572
Kosowo - przed ostatecznym rozwiazaniem. Proces uregulowania statusu miedzynarodowego = uwarunkowania polityczne i historyczne perspektywy rozwoju sytuacji. Prace OSW 2008. Kosovo before the final decision. Regulation Kosovo's international status - historical and political conditions and prospects for future developments. OSW Study 27/2008
Balcer, Adam
Kaczmarski, Marcin
Stanislawski, Wojciech
Kosovo
The question of Kosovo's status is currently one of the most important issues in international politics. Since 1999, Kosovo has been an international protectorate which was created in the aftermath of the NATO intervention to stop the brutal pacification of the Albanian insurgency by Serb forces. The province has since de facto become independent of Serbia.
Resolution 1244 of the UN Security Council, which established the protectorate, does not preclude any possible outcome as regards its status. Aware that after the crimes of 1999, any attempt to re-integrate Kosovo into Serbia would lead to a massive Albanian uprising, the West has decided that the best solution would be to award Kosovo internationally supervised independence, while at the same time granting very wide autonomy to the Kosovo Serbs. Serbia and Russia rejected the solution proposed by the West, and so Kosovo became an arena of international rivalry for influence in the Western Balkans as well as another element of rivalry, transcending the regional dimension, between Russia and the West. Russia has been using the Kosovo case to build a new model of its relations with the United States and the EU. Since there is a group of countries sceptical about, or even opposed to, Kosovo's independence within the EU, the Kosovo settlement will be a test of the EU's ability to speak with one voice with regard to its external policy.
Labuszewska, Anna
Kazimierska, Katarzyna
2008-02
Other
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/58059/1/prace_27_1.pdf
http://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-studies/2008-02-15/kosovo-final-decision-regulating-kosovos-international-status
Balcer, Adam and Kaczmarski, Marcin and Stanislawski, Wojciech (2008) Kosowo - przed ostatecznym rozwiazaniem. Proces uregulowania statusu miedzynarodowego = uwarunkowania polityczne i historyczne perspektywy rozwoju sytuacji. Prace OSW 2008. Kosovo before the final decision. Regulation Kosovo's international status - historical and political conditions and prospects for future developments. OSW Study 27/2008. UNSPECIFIED.
http://aei.pitt.edu/58059/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:58198
2015-01-05T21:02:04Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303338
7375626A656374733D46:464D6F6E74656E6567726F323030366F6E
7375626A656374733D46:5365726269614A756E65333030366F6E
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Russia in Serbia – soft power and hard interests. OSW COMMENTARY No. 150, 2014-10-29
Szpala, Marta
Russia
Bosnia/Herzegovina
Kosovo
Montenegro (June 2006-on)
Serbia (June 2006-on)
Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Serbia on 16 October has demonstrated Moscow’s
willingness to secure its interests in the Balkans and use Belgrade in its confrontation with
the West. It seems, however, that Russia does not have much to offer to Serbia’s authorities,
which are reluctant to make more concessions towards Russia. However, Moscow has already
gained a strong position in Serbia, which is due to the country’s dependence on Russian
natural resources and, in particular, strong support for Russian policy on the part of Serbian
elites and society. The traditional pro-Russian attitudes have been strengthened as a result
of a series of Russia-inspired, wide-ranging soft power initiatives which have proved so successful
that a large part of society has begun to believe that Russia’s interests are consistent
with Serbia’s.
Russia’s increasingly active policy towards Serbia and the Serbian minorities in the neighbouring
countries – Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Kosovo – has been part of a larger
plan aimed at hampering the integration of the Balkan states with the Euro-Atlantic structures
and maintaining an area of instability and frozen conflicts in the EU’s near neighbourhood.
Russia’s policy is also becoming increasingly effective due to the EU states’ diminishing
support for Balkan countries’ European integration.
2014-10
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/58198/1/commentary_150.pdf
http://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-commentary/2014-10-29/russia-serbia-soft-power-and-hard-interests
Szpala, Marta (2014) Russia in Serbia – soft power and hard interests. OSW COMMENTARY No. 150, 2014-10-29. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/58198/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:71988
2016-02-11T22:19:01Z
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EU Mission in Kosovo (EULEX): Constructing Ambiguity
or Constructive Disunity? Transatlantic Security Paper No. 3, June 2011
Cadier, David
Kosovo
conflict resolution/crisis management
In which skies should auspices about the future
of EU foreign policy be looked for, Libya’s or
Kosovo’s? Many commentators have been
prompt in digging the grave for EU Security and
Defense Policy after Member States’ discordance
over taking military action against the Qaddafi
regime1. However, as this paper will emphasize
through the case of Kosovo, unanimity is not always
an indispensable prerequisite – and should
not be regarded as the sole criteria – to EU action
in regional security. Overly focusing on the
‘speak with one voice’ mantra sometimes leads
to stop short of assessing actual outcomes.
2011-06
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/71988/1/TSP3.pdf
Cadier, David (2011) EU Mission in Kosovo (EULEX): Constructing Ambiguity or Constructive Disunity? Transatlantic Security Paper No. 3, June 2011. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/71988/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:74990
2017-03-31T16:40:46Z
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Information Guide: Kosovo. June 2016
Cardiff EDC, .
Kosovo
A guide to information sources on the Republic of Kosovo, with hyperlinks to information within European Sources Online and on external websites.
2014-03
Other
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/74990/1/Kosovo.pdf
https://www.europeansources.info/showDoc?ID=1158670
Cardiff EDC, . (2014) Information Guide: Kosovo. June 2016. UNSPECIFIED.
http://aei.pitt.edu/74990/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:76651
2016-06-29T16:46:28Z
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7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Hostages to dialogue. The process of normalising Serbian-Kosovar relations. OSW COMMENTARY No. 214, 2016-06-08
Szpala, Marta
enlargement
Kosovo
Serbia (June 2006-on)
In March 2011, the governments of Kosovo and Serbia started a dialogue that was intended to lead to the normalisation of mutual relations. This process, launched under the pressure of the EU, was aimed at building up confidence between the parties and resolving the everyday problems of the Serbian and Albanian communities, and as a consequence, reducing tension in the Western Balkans. The start of talks between representatives of the antagonist countries was the breakthrough that led to the Kosovo government gaining control over the whole of its territory, the establishment of a border (or ‘administrative boundary line’, as Belgrade calls it), and the start of the process of subordinating the Kosovo Serbian institutions to the authorities in Prishtina. Serbia also lifted its trade blockade on Kosovo, and allowed Prishtina to join the regional organisations. As a result, progress has been made in the process of integration of both states with the EU: Serbia has started accession negotiations, and Kosovo has signed a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA).
2016-06
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/76651/1/commentary_214.pdf
http://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-commentary/2016-06-08/hostages-to-dialogue-process-normalising-serbian-kosovar
Szpala, Marta (2016) Hostages to dialogue. The process of normalising Serbian-Kosovar relations. OSW COMMENTARY No. 214, 2016-06-08. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/76651/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:88155
2019-12-13T17:31:35Z
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Kosovo's EU candidate status: a goal within reach? EPC Discussion Paper, 28 June 2017
Dessus, Zephyr
Merja, Albana
Stratulat , Corina
Rexha, Albana
enlargement
Kosovo
Ever since its declaration of independence in 2008, Kosovo has made European integration one of its key
foreign policy objectives. Having made headway over the past years in its efforts to draw nearer to the
European Union – most recently by signing a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) with the EU –
Kosovo is now eager to take the next step in its EU integration process: to apply for EU membership and
receive candidate status. However, with five member states still unwilling to recognise its statehood, Kosovo
finds itself in a unique and difficult position regarding its eligibility to advance towards the EU and
eventually accede to the European Union.
2017-06
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/88155/1/pub_7812_kosovoseucandidatestatus.pdf
http://www.epc.eu/pub_details.php?cat_id=17&pub_id=7812
Dessus, Zephyr and Merja, Albana and Stratulat , Corina and Rexha, Albana (2017) Kosovo's EU candidate status: a goal within reach? EPC Discussion Paper, 28 June 2017. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/88155/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:94393
2018-09-14T18:47:44Z
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Serbia-Kosovo negotiations – playing for time under pressure from the West. OSW Commentary NUMBER 281 | 21.08.2018
Szpala , Marta
Kosovo
Serbia (June 2006-on)
The negotiations between Serbia and Kosovo aimed at reaching a comprehensive agreement to normalise relations between the two states are to enter a new phase in September. Although the negotiations, which have been going on since 2011 under the oversight of the European Union, may have prompted the incorporation of the Serbian minority and the territories it inhabits into Kosovo’s institutional system, they have been at a standstill for three years. The authorities in Prishtina are unwilling to agree to further concessions to the Serbs until Belgrade recognises Kosovo’s independence, at least on a de facto basis. Any compromise will come at a high political cost for the authorities of both Serbia and Kosovo, due to hostility on the part of the public and the opposition in both states. Meanwhile, the EU and the US are putting pressure on Belgrade and Prishtina to reach an agreement by no later than mid-2019. The Serbian and Kosovar elites cannot ignore this pressure as they largely owe their political positions to support from the West, and for this reason the authorities in both states wish to play for time and prolong the talks. They are doing this by periodically escalating tensions and putting forward solutions that are unacceptable to the other party or the international community. One example of this was the proposals made in July by the presidents of Serbia and Kosovo, Aleksandar Vučic and Hashim Thaçi, to exchange territory and change borders, which caused a great deal of controversy inside and outside the countries. Moreover, divisions between countries in the West, which do not have a united strategy regarding the negotiations, may hamper moves to reach a compromise. The United States is pushing for a quick resolution of the dispute, even if this means reviewing the borders. However, Germany is opposed to that solution as it fears that this would strengthen separatist movements throughout the entire Balkans. Both Serbs and Kosovo Albanians will try to exploit these divisions, while the success of the process of normalising Serbian-Kosovar relations will in fact depend upon effective pressure from the West.
2018-09
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/94393/1/commentary_281.pdf
https://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-commentary/2018-08-21/serbia-kosovo-negotiations-playing-time-under-pressure-west
Szpala , Marta (2018) Serbia-Kosovo negotiations – playing for time under pressure from the West. OSW Commentary NUMBER 281 | 21.08.2018. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/94393/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:98658
2019-10-23T13:35:11Z
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Ten years after EULEX [EU Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo]:
Key principles for future EU flagship initiatives on the rule of law. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security in Europe No. 2019-07, May 2019
Rashiti, Naim
enlargement
Turkey
Macedonia
Kosovo
Montenegro (June 2006-on)
Serbia (June 2006-on)
With its “credible enlargement perspective for and enhanced EU enlargement with the Western Balkans”, the EU plans to launch several new flagship initiatives for the six aspiring countries. The key initiative envisaged is “to strengthen rule of law” through more detailed assessment of the rule of law and reform implementation by including case-based peer reviews, trial monitoring of serious corruption cases and organised crime, developing indicators for reform implementation and deploying advisory missions.
The EU has begun some planning but detailed action plans are yet to come. New programmes and initiatives should be new in content and form. In the case of Kosovo, things are more complex; the clarity of the new plan and drawing the line between the past and future is key for any success of the upcoming initiatives. With EULEX still on the ground, after 10 years of deployment, plagued by low trust and an image of failure, the rule of law has little improved in Kosovo. The EU should carefully consider the conditions upon which new initiatives are established.
Equally, local authorities need to be fully in the driving seat. Reluctant to do so until now, the government has recently initiated a Functional Review of the Rule of Law Sector and Justice 2020. Their agendas have not progressed much in the absence of political will, and undefined roles and agendas remain between the local authorities and EU.
Any new initiatives should be launched based on certain principles that ensure they have full local ownership, are driven by local demand, are based on in-depth evaluation and verification, build upon broad consultations and inclusion, have a clearly defined role and scope, have realistic expectations and contribute to streamlining the reform agendas.
2019-05
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/98658/1/LSE2019%2D07_Ten%2Dyears%2Dafter%2DEULEX.pdf
https://www.ceps.eu/ceps-publications/ten-years-after-eulex/
Rashiti, Naim (2019) Ten years after EULEX [EU Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo]: Key principles for future EU flagship initiatives on the rule of law. CEPS Paper in Liberty and Security in Europe No. 2019-07, May 2019. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/98658/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:102613
2020-03-20T16:20:28Z
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Setting the bounds of the European Union. EPC Discussion Paper 10 March 2020
Duff, Andrew
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
enlargement
Brexit
U.K.
Yugoslavia (former)
Turkey
Ukraine
Macedonia
Moldova
Serbia/Montenegro (to June 2006)
Albania
Georgia
Kosovo
Montenegro (June 2006-on)
Serbia (June 2006-on)
How large should the European Union (EU) be? And what
shape should it take? These are not new questions but have
recently taken on a new form and seek to be answered with
a sense of urgency that has been missing for some years.
French President Macron can be held primarily
responsible for this shift of emphasis. He wants an EU
that is conscious of, indeed self-confident about,
its own sovereignty. Commission President Ursula
von der Leyen’s claim to be running a “geopolitical
Commission” plays into Macron’s argument: she was,
after all, his choice for the top job. But a sovereign
Union strutting its stuff on the world stage needs to
have established a pretty firm view about where its
own territory starts and stops, what values it aims to
propagate on the global stage, and which interests it
intends to advance vis-à-vis those of its international
partners and rivals.
The purpose of assuming EU sovereignty is to better
protect the security of its states and citizens. It implies
an intention to adopt a more proactive stance. Even if
the Union still lacks all the attributes of a federal state,
its claim to sovereignty is an important further step in
the federal direction. A sovereign polity is in need of
a government, and in particular a foreign policy. The
innovation of Union sovereignty as a supplement to, if
not a substitute for, national sovereignty should also
contribute to a strengthening of civic rights that flow
from the concept of EU citizenship
2020-03
Other
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/102613/1/Setting_the_bounds_of_the_EU.pdf
Duff, Andrew (2020) Setting the bounds of the European Union. EPC Discussion Paper 10 March 2020. UNSPECIFIED.
http://aei.pitt.edu/102613/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:103198
2020-08-19T15:28:31Z
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Pushing on a string? An evaluation of regional economic cooperation in the Western Balkans
Weiss, Stefani
EU-EFTA/EEA
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
EU-Eastern Partnership
Turkey
Kosovo
This study evaluates the success of the EU’s
strategy of regional cooperation in the Western
Balkans over the last two decades from an
economic perspective.
First, we define the prerequisites for successful
regional cooperation in an institutional, political
and economic sense, and assess the extent to
which they existed in the Western Balkans at
the start of the 2000s. Second, we identify the
key facets of the EU’s strategy to deepen trade,
investment and infrastructure connectivity in the
Western Balkans, and establish the impact that
this has had. Third, we assess the state of play in
2020, and make some suggestions for the way
forward.
Our main findings are a) that many of the most
important prerequisites for regional cooperation
have not existed in the Western Balkans during
the past two decades, and that the potential gains
from the EU strategy have therefore always been
quite limited; b) that regional trade, investment
and infrastructure integration has increased
somewhat, but that there are still many gaps and
challenges ahead; and c) that these efforts have
not fundamentally altered the main obstacles
to normalising political relations in the Western
Balkans and, ultimately, to the EU accession of its constituent countries.
Our findings lead to two main conclusions. First,
regional cooperation efforts should continue,
but more effort should be focused on securing
the maximum possible level of economic
integration with the EU. Second, economic
development and EU accession in the region are
severely hamstrung by territorial disputes and
constitutional deadlock. Without a breakthrough
on these issues – and especially the normalisation
of relations between Serbia and Kosovo – no
amount of regional cooperation initiatives can fundamentally change the situation.
2020
Other
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/103198/1/Pushing_on_a_string.pdf
Weiss, Stefani (2020) Pushing on a string? An evaluation of regional economic cooperation in the Western Balkans. UNSPECIFIED.
http://aei.pitt.edu/103198/