2024-03-28T20:44:49Zhttp://aei.pitt.edu/cgi/oai2
oai:aei.pitt.edu:171
2011-02-15T22:14:50Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303332
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Die Türkei im Spannungsfeld zwischen Schwarzmeer-Kooperation und Europäischer Union = Turkey between the Black Sea and The European Union. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 110
Lochmann, Michael
EU-Black Sea region
enlargement
Turkey
[Introduction]. Das Jahr 1989 markierte für die türkische Republik einen bedeutungsvollen wie auch folgenschweren Wendepunkt. Gleich zwei entscheidende Ereignisse sollten die Außenpolitik des nächsten Jahrzehntes bestimmen und in einer Weise und Intensivität beeinflussen, wie es sich niemand hätte erwarten können: Die negative Stellungnahme der Kommission zum türkischen Antrag auf Mitgliedschaft war der Beginn einer fast zehnjährigen Zeitspanne von Rückschlägen im Verhältnis zwischen Bosporus und Brüssel, mit Ausnahme von kurzen Perioden der positiven Kooperation. Der sich abzeichnende Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion und das Auseinanderbersten der fast ein halbes Jahrhundert lang die internationalen Beziehungen bestimmenden Strukturen des Ost-West-Konfliktes eröffneten der Türkei neue Perspektiven und außenpolitische Betätigungsfelder: Die Neuen Unabhängigen Staaten (NUS) der Schwarzmeerregion wie auch jene der kaukasischen und zentralasiatischen Gebiete boten der Türkei die historische Chance, ihre regionale Machtposition zu stärken und auszubauen. Aufgrund der in den 90er Jahren streckenweise auf ein Minimum reduzierten Beziehungen zur Europäischen Union und der offensiv, zum Teil auch aggressiv verfolgten türkischen Interessenspolitik im Schwarzmeerraum und den östlich von ihr liegenden Regionen, stellen sich folgende Fragen: Befand sich die Türkei in den 90er Jahren in einem Spannungsfeld zwi-Michael Lochmann schen Europäischer Union und Schwarzmeer-Kooperation? Welche Rolle spielten die neuen geostrategischen Räume im Verhältnis Europa-Türkei? Auf den folgenden Seiten wird auf diese Problematik eingegangen, wobei schwerpunktmäßig die türkischen Beziehungen zu den NUS und den Schwarzmeer-Anrainerstaaten im Zeitraum von 1989 bis 2000 analysiert werden sollen.
2002
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/171/1/dp_c110_lochmann.pdf
Lochmann, Michael (2002) Die Türkei im Spannungsfeld zwischen Schwarzmeer-Kooperation und Europäischer Union = Turkey between the Black Sea and The European Union. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 110. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/171/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:385
2011-02-15T22:15:27Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:676C6F62616C69736174696F6E676C6F62616C697A6174696F6E
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303037
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Regional Cooperation in Global Perspective. The case of the "mediterranean" regions. JMWP No. 04.96, December, 1996
Attina, Fulvio
EU-Black Sea region
regionalism, international
EU-Mediterranean/Union for the Mediterranean
globalisation/globalization
[From the Introduction]. The paper is divided in six parts. The first one deals with the issue of continuity and discontinuity in the political organization of the world. Globalization and regionalism are the object of the second and third part. Two specific types of regions are reviewed: the "mediterranean" regions and the so-called zones of peace, that is the most advanced stage of region cooperation. Two cases of mediterranean cooperation programmes - the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation - are presented in the fifth part of the paper. The interplay of regionalism and globalization is esamined in the sixth part. The paper ends with an invitation to consider the current European pattern of cooperation as a model to the two contiguous mediterranean regions by diffusion and by demonstration.
Barbagallo, Valentina
1996-12
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/385/1/jmwp04.htm
Attina, Fulvio (1996) Regional Cooperation in Global Perspective. The case of the "mediterranean" regions. JMWP No. 04.96, December, 1996. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/385/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:493
2011-02-15T23:43:42Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:812
2020-01-08T01:21:56Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303238
7375626A656374733D46:46303332
7375626A656374733D46:46303430
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D46:46303038
7375626A656374733D46:46303335
7375626A656374733D46:4641726D656E6961
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
7375626A656374733D46:46416C62616E6961
7375626A656374733D46:46417A65726261696A616E
7375626A656374733D46:46303139
7375626A656374733D46:4647656F72676961
74797065733D61727469636C65
The Black Sea Economic Cooperation Process
Hartwig, Ines
Greece
Romania
Bulgaria
Turkey
Russia
Ukraine
Moldova
Albania
Armenia
Azerbaijan
Georgia
EU-Black Sea region
[From the Introduction]. Among the different initiatives for regional cooperation in central and eastern Europe, which were launched after the sea changes in 1989, the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Process represents a special type of cooperation because it includes a Member State of the European Union (Greece), states which are associated with the EU (Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey) and states which have signed a Partnership or Trade and Economic Cooperation Agreement with the EU (Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine). The Black Sea Economic Cooperation Process is built around three main areas of cooperation: governmental: the Black Sea Economic Cooperation; parliamentary: the Parliamentary Assembly of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation; financial: the Black Sea Trade and Development Bank.
1997
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/812/1/scop97_1_2.pdf
Hartwig, Ines (1997) The Black Sea Economic Cooperation Process. EIPASCOPE, 1997 (1). pp. 1-6.
http://aei.pitt.edu/812/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1907
2011-02-15T23:44:53Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6597
2011-02-15T22:43:24Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:4430303268726469
7375626A656374733D46:46303335
7375626A656374733D41:41303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030324555436F6D6D6F6E7765616C7468496E646570656E64656E74537461746573434953
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
7375626A656374733D46:4647656F72676961
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
What should the Community of Democratic Choice do?. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 98, 1 March 2006
Emerson, Michael.
Ukraine
Georgia
EU-Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)
EU-Black Sea region
human rights & democracy initiatives
civil society
In August 2005, President Saakashvili of Georgia and President Yushchenko of Ukraine met at Borjomi, Georgia, and decided to launch an initiative to promote democracy among a community of like-minded states of Central and Eastern Europe. This led to a meeting in Kyiv on 2 December 2005, of a wider group of countries of the Baltic-Black-Caspian Sea region, which adopted a declaration announcing the creation of a Community of Democratic Choice (CDC) as a governmental and non-governmental forum to promote the strengthening of democracy, human rights and civil society. Although its objectives are clear enough, it is still unclear what precisely the CDC will do and how it will define the mechanisms of its future actions. In this paper, CEPS Senior Research Fellow Michael Emerson presents an idea that could become a tangible core project of the CDC.
2006-03
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6597/1/1313_98.pdf
Emerson, Michael. (2006) What should the Community of Democratic Choice do?. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 98, 1 March 2006. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/6597/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6608
2011-02-15T22:43:28Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
A Synergy for Black Sea Regional Cooperation: Guidelines for an EU Initiative. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 105, 4 June 2006
Tassinari, Fabrizio
EU-Black Sea region
regionalism, international
This study advocates that the EU support a comprehensive, multi-stakeholder initiative to achieve synergy from regional cooperation in the wider Black Sea area. The background for this initiative is first provided through an overview of the challenges, recent developments and EU interests in this region. Different models of regionalism have been promoted by the EU in the European periphery, and these are schematised with a focus on their respective advantages and disadvantages. Finally guidelines for an EU initiative are set out under: 1) objectives and sector-specific actions, 2) its scope in terms of variable geographic geometries of desirable cooperation in the region and 3) a Framework of institutional and financial arrangements to support the process. An overarching mechanism is required to give political cohesion, ownership, visibility and strategic purpose to the process, and this could well be based on an annual, high-level meeting, drawing on the model of the Black Sea Forum Summit in Bucharest on 5 June 2006.
2006-06
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6608/1/1334_105.pdf
Tassinari, Fabrizio (2006) A Synergy for Black Sea Regional Cooperation: Guidelines for an EU Initiative. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 105, 4 June 2006. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/6608/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6621
2020-01-08T01:15:34Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303238
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:4430303245554361756361737573
7375626A656374733D46:46303332
7375626A656374733D46:46303430
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D46:46303335
7375626A656374733D46:4641726D656E6961
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
7375626A656374733D46:46417A65726261696A616E
7375626A656374733D46:46303139
7375626A656374733D46:4647656F72676961
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
The Black Sea as Epicentre of the Aftershocks of the EU’s Earthquake. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 79, July 2005
Emerson, Michael
EU-Caucasus
Romania
Bulgaria
Turkey
Russia
Ukraine
Moldova
Armenia
Azerbaijan
Georgia
EU-Black Sea region
In this new Policy Brief, CEPS Senior Research Fellow Michael Emerson asserts that the aftershocks of the EU’s failed referenda on the European Constitution will be most sharply felt – in an external sense – in the Black Sea region. He describes how Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia were the first hit by the tremors. But he traces its effects further than that, up the Danube basin to Belgrade, across the Caucasus to Armenia and Azerbaijan, and last but certainly not least up to Russia. For all the states that have been espousing long-term EU membership aspirations – including all of the above, except Russia –the author recommends they take time out for a reality check. For Russia, which had not anticipated this upset in the EU, it may be interpreted not so much a time for a rethink, as an encouragement not to have a rethink. For these states (in different degrees), there is a new question of strategic importance and the name of the game has changed. Emerson is keen to explore whether the EU’s hugely successful political conditionality machine and gravitational powers of attraction, as evidenced in its recent enlargement, can continue to operate with some variant model of virtual, functional membership? Or, if not, he asks whether the prospects for the deepening and consolidation of democracy in these regions are going to be seriously prejudiced?
2005-07
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6621/1/1245_79.pdf
Emerson, Michael (2005) The Black Sea as Epicentre of the Aftershocks of the EU’s Earthquake. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 79, July 2005. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/6621/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6667
2011-02-15T22:43:48Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030324575726F7065616E4E65696768626F7572686F6F64506F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303330
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Security and Integration in the EU Neighborhood: the Case for Regionalism. CEPS Working Documents No. 226, 1 July 2005
Tassinari, Fabrizio
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
regional policy/structural funds
regionalism, international
EU-Black Sea region
European Neighbourhood Policy
This paper makes the case for regionalism as a possible conceptual framework and policy instrument to address the challenges posed by Europe’s new, diverse neighbourhood. It explains why, where and how regionalism can emerge as a political practice and policy instrument that contributes to tackling the correlation between security and integration in the wider European space. A set of recommendations to develop regionalism is then proposed and applied to the emerging case of the Black Sea Region.
2005-07
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6667/1/1251_226.pdf
Tassinari, Fabrizio (2005) Security and Integration in the EU Neighborhood: the Case for Regionalism. CEPS Working Documents No. 226, 1 July 2005. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/6667/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9050
2011-02-15T22:58:35Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Subregionalism in the Black Sea and the EU"s Role. Incentives, Obstacles and a 'New Synergy'. ZEI Discussion Paper C183, 2008
Tsantoulis, Yannis.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-Black Sea region
regionalism, international
[From the Introduction]. ...the main objectives of this Discussion Paper are, first of all, to define the wider Black Sea Region in terms of history, geography and current geopolitics. However, this is not an easy task. As Aydin stresses, there are many analysts who question whether the Black Sea area is a region at all, arguing that it is not seen as such from the outside (by the international community), nor from the inside (by the Black Sea countries themselves). (8) Furthermore, Valinakis claims that the term ‘Black Sea area (or region)’ has been used in the literature in a rather flexible way (9) and Roberts simply argues that defining the Black Sea region is still a ‘matter of taste’ (10). Also, the various terms (Mare Maggiore and Mare Maius – the Great Sea, Pontos Axeinos – the dark or somber Sea, Pontus Euxinus – the welcoming sea, Kara Deniz – the dark forbidding Sea among others) used over the long course of history reveal the ‘uniqueness’ of this sea. Nevertheless, as it will be shown in the subsequent chapters all the regions are to some extend subjectively defined and can thus be understood, as Adler has remarked, as ‘cognitive regions’. (11) The second objective of this thesis is to analyse the policies of the EU towards the region by emphasizing the policy failures of the past and the opportunities and challenges for the future. The third objective is to demonstrate the sudden emergence of the Black Sea region into the zone of interest and influence of the EU – and of other key external actors at the same time – and also to reveal the obstacles towards enhanced cooperation that stem from various factors. Last but certainly not least, the most ambitious part of this thesis is to propose some guidelines for a new EU driven strategy towards the region.
2008
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9050/1/dp_c183_Tsantoulis.pdf
Tsantoulis, Yannis. (2008) Subregionalism in the Black Sea and the EU"s Role. Incentives, Obstacles and a 'New Synergy'. ZEI Discussion Paper C183, 2008. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/9050/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9315
2012-04-06T16:24:48Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The EU’s New Black Sea Policy- What kind of regionalism is this? CEPS Working Document No. 297/July 2008.
Emerson, Michael.
regionalism, international
EU-Black Sea region
After the accession of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007 the European Union moved quickly to fill an obvious gap in its vision of the regions to its periphery, proposing the ‘Black Sea Synergy’. The EU shows a certain degree of commonality in its approaches to each of the three enclosed seas in this region – the Baltic, the Mediterranean and now the Black Sea. While the political profiles of these maritime regions are of course very different, they naturally give rise to many common policy challenges, including those issues that are based on the technical, non-political matters of regional maritime geography. This paper sets out a typology of regionalisms and examines where in this the EU’s Black Sea Synergy is going to find its place. While the Commission’s initial proposals were highly ‘eclectic’, with various examples of ‘technical regionalism’ combined with ‘security regionalism’, there is already a diplomatic ballet in evidence between the EU and Russia, with the EU countering Russia’s pursuit of its own ‘geopolitical regionalism’. The EU would like in theory to see its efforts lead to a ‘transformative regionalism’, but the lack of agreement so far over further extending membership perspectives to countries of the region risks the outcome being placed more in the category of ‘compensatory regionalism’.
2008-07
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9315/2/9315.pdf
Emerson, Michael. (2008) The EU’s New Black Sea Policy- What kind of regionalism is this? CEPS Working Document No. 297/July 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/9315/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:10877
2011-02-15T23:11:08Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303139
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
La Russie dans le nouveau Grand Jeu energetique en Mer Noire: Nabucco et South Stream ou "Tart du Kuzushi". = Russia in the new great energy game in the Black Sea: Nabucco and the South Stream or "Tart du Kuzushi". Bruges Political Research Papers No. 9. 10/2008
Crisan, Adina.
Russia
EU-Black Sea region
energy policy (Including international arena)
Ce papier a comme but de démontrer que la Russie a mieux accompli que ses adversaires ses objectifs dans le nouveau Grand Jeu énergétique en Mer Noire. Ce dernier est une compétition qui se déroule actuellement en Mer Noire entre la Russie et l’Union européenne soutenue par les Etats- Unis. Il a comme principal enjeu l’énergie. La Mer Noire est devenue une zone hautement stratégique après l’éclatement de l’ex-URSS et suite à l’élargissement des structures euro- atlantiques à l’Est. Seule mer ouverte de la région, elle constitue un carrefour des flux d’énergie d’Asie Centrale, de Russie et du Moyen Orient vers les marchés européens. En Mer Noire, le nouveau Grand Jeu énergétique prend la forme d’une compétition entre deux gazoducs, l’un soutenu par la Russie (South Stream) et l’autre par les occidentaux (Nabucco). Tandis que ces derniers veulent diversifier leurs sources d’approvisionnement et de transport, la Russie cherche à court-circuiter les projets européens dans le but de garder le pouvoir d’influence et de nuisance que lui confère l’arme énergétique. La Russie a réussi à se positionner pour devenir un partenaire indispensable pour Nabucco. Elle a verrouillé les possibles sources d’approvisionnement du Caucase et le hub de Baumgarten en Autriche, point d’arrivée de Nabucco, qui est désormais la propriété d’une joint-venture russo-autrichienne. Le projet South Stream avance rapidement, alors que la mise en fonction de son concurrent est retardée d’un an pour la troisième fois consécutive. Il apparaît que Nabucco ne peut plus se faire dans sa version initiale. Si les occidentaux désirent toutefois l’édifier, il faudrait compter sur la présence de la Russie, à un moment ou autre de la chaîne logistique. Cependant, la nouvelle donne des relations russo-européennes laisse mal présager une collaboration dans le futur proche.
2008-10
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/10877/1/wp9Crisan.pdf
Crisan, Adina. (2008) La Russie dans le nouveau Grand Jeu energetique en Mer Noire: Nabucco et South Stream ou "Tart du Kuzushi". = Russia in the new great energy game in the Black Sea: Nabucco and the South Stream or "Tart du Kuzushi". Bruges Political Research Papers No. 9. 10/2008. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/10877/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11116
2020-01-08T01:29:49Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:4430303245554361756361737573
7375626A656374733D46:4641726D656E6961
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
7375626A656374733D46:46417A65726261696A616E
7375626A656374733D46:4647656F72676961
74797065733D626F6F6B
The European Union and the South Caucasus; Three Perspectives on the Future of the European Project from the Caucasus. Europe in Dialogue 2009/1
Mkrtchyan, Tigran
Huseynov, Tabib
Gogolashvili, Kakha.
EU-Caucasus
Armenia
Azerbaijan
Georgia
EU-Black Sea region
Tigran Mkrtchyan singles out three main factors that determine Armenia’s rather positive attitude to and interest in EU policies in the Caucasus region. Firstly, further cooperation with the EU could guarantee a democratically stable future for the country. Secondly, Armenia would benefit from increased economic cooperation with the EU. Thirdly, to a large extent the population feels that it belongs to Europe. However, some critics, mostly from the ranks of the intelligentsia, have expressed concern that too much Europeanization constitutes a threat to national identity.///// Tabib Huseynov agrees with Mkrtchyan in calling for a more active EU role in the region and most notably in the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. This would lay the foundations for the ongoing development of the region. Huseynov outlines factors contributing to or impeding regional cooperation in the South Caucasus and cooperation between the EU and Azerbaijan. Whereas Georgia and Armenia are seeking EU membership in the long term and financial assistance in some areas, Azerbaijan remains financially independent on account of its oil revenues and is not interested in EU membership in the near future. It is far more interested in increased economic and trade cooperation./// Kakha Gogolashvili, Director of EU Studies at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies (GFSIS), describes the level of acceptance for EU policies in Georgia. To a large extent the general goals of Georgian policy-makers are aligned with those of the EU, and this facilitates cooperation in implementing reforms in the country.
Bertlesmann-Stifftung
2009
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11116/1/xcms_bst_dms_28297_28302_2.pdf
http://www.bertelsmann-stiftung.de/bst/de/media/xcms_bst_dms_28297_28302_2.pdf
Mkrtchyan, Tigran and Huseynov, Tabib and Gogolashvili, Kakha. (2009) The European Union and the South Caucasus; Three Perspectives on the Future of the European Project from the Caucasus. Europe in Dialogue 2009/1. Series > Bertelsmann Stiftung/Foundation (Gutersloh, Germany) > Europe in Dialogue <http://aei.pitt.edu/view/series/BSFBGEUSPOTEuropeinDialogue.html> . Bertlesmann-Stifftung.
http://aei.pitt.edu/11116/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:14629
2011-02-15T23:34:57Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:4430303245552D4E6F72746865726E44696D656E73696F6E
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365:70616666676F7665726E616E63657375626E6174696F6E616C726567696F6E616C2F7465727269746F7269616C
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030324575726F7065616E4E65696768626F7572686F6F64506F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Sub-national governance structures in the Northern Dimension and the Black Sea Synergy: perspectives for European regionalism. Policy Paper No. 14, July 2010
Turkina, Ekaterina.
Russia
EU-Northern Dimension
EU-Black Sea region
European Neighbourhood Policy
subnational/regional/territorial
This paper investigates the emergence and effects of European regionalism and the European Union’s (EU) external governance in the Northern Dimension (ND) and the Black Sea Synergy (BSS), two regional cooperation partnerships within the European Neighborhood Policy. In particular, it explores the evolution, development, configuration, and structural properties of the regional interorganizational cooperation systems and examines their effects on democratic governance and policymaking in the Russian northwestern and southern regions that participate in the ND and BSS initiatives. The paper also examines local factors that account for the resistance to or acceptance of EU norms and standards. The results of the analysis indicate that the intensity and effectiveness of regional cooperation and regional convergence of policies and approximation to EU norms and standards depend on the degree of decentralization, density, and cohesiveness of regional cooperation networks, and also on the regional ethno-cultural, historical, and geopolitical contexts.
2010
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/14629/1/2010%2DSub%2DNational_Governance.pdf
Turkina, Ekaterina. (2010) Sub-national governance structures in the Northern Dimension and the Black Sea Synergy: perspectives for European regionalism. Policy Paper No. 14, July 2010. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/14629/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32325
2011-09-13T14:55:42Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030324561737465726E506172746E657273686970
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:443030316C61776C6567616C61666661697273
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303137
7375626A656374733D45:45303130
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Europe deploys towards a civil-military strategy for CSDP. Egmont Paper No. 49, June 2011
Biscop, Sven.
Coelmont, Jo.
energy policy (Including international arena)
law & legal affairs-general (includes international law)
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Central Asia
EU-ACP
EU-Eastern Partnership
UN
EU-Black Sea region
trade policy
free movement/border control
Executive summary. CSDP: Strategy Needed.
Why does Europe develop the military and civilian capabilities that it does? Why does it undertake the military and civilian operations that it does? And why in other cases does it refrain from action?
The answers to these questions would amount to a civilian-military strategy for the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Starting from the EU’s vital interests, an analysis of the threats and challenges to these interests, and the EU’s foreign policy priorities, a CSDP strategy would outline the priority regions and issues for CSDP and, in function of the long-term political objectives and the appropriate political roadmap for those regions and issues, scenarios in which launching an operation could be appropriate.
Without strategy, we can never be sure that the operations that we do are actually the most relevant and important that we could undertake. We cannot direct the operations that we do undertake to achieve the desired strategic effect. And we cannot focus capability development if we do not know our strategic priorities.
Many of the building-blocks of a CSDP strategy already exist. What remains to be done is to connect the dots and render explicit: (1) for which priority regions and issues we must plan and prepare, (2) for which possible scenarios that may require a CSDP operation, and (3) identify the implications for our capabilities
and a roadmap to meet those requirements.
Priority Regions and Issues.
The regions and issues on which CSDP ought to focus are those where our vital interests are most directly at stake:
• Defence against any military threat to the territory of the Union.
• Open lines of communication and trade (in physical as well as in cyber
space).
• A secure supply of energy and other vital natural resources.
• A sustainable environment.
• Manageable migration flows.
• The maintenance of international law (including the UN Charter and the treaties and regulations of the key international organizations) and of universally agreed rights.
• Preserving the autonomy of the decision-making of the EU and its Member States.
That does not mean that the EU will disregard other regions and issues, but it does provide the focus for early warning and prevention, and for permanent contingency planning for:
• The Eastern Neighbourhood (the Baltic to the Black Sea).
• The Southern Neighbourhood (the Dardanelles to Gibraltar).
• The Gulf.
• Central Asia.
• Sub-Sahara Africa.
• Maritime security.
• Collective security under the UN, notably the Responsibility to Protect.
If the main focus of CSDP is on the external security of the Union, it does have a complementary role to play in our internal security as well, notably in the implementation of the Solidarity Clause, and including perhaps, in the future, in our collective defence.
Scenarios for Operations.
For the purpose of military planning, as well as to guide military capability
development, the EU military bodies have elaborated five illustrative scenarios.
These no longer cover all operations that the EU already is undertaking. Five
new scenarios ought to be added:
• A Maritime Security Scenario.
• A Cyber Security Scenario.
• A Support Operations Scenario.
• A Counter-Terrorism Scenario.
• An Internal Security Scenario.
Capability Implications.
In order to stay in tune with today’s higher level of crisis management activity, the existing military Headline Goal has to be interpreted broadly. The aim to be able to sustain a corps level deployment (50 to 60,000 troops) for at least one year should be understood as a deployment which EU Member States must be able to undertake at any one time over and above ongoing operations. Then the EU would be able to deal with every eventuality.
Generating the necessary capabilities requires an ambitious approach to pooling & sharing, but also to go beyond it and create a Permanent Capability Conference as a durable strategic-level platform for harmonization of national defence planning as such, rather than project-by-project coordination only.
With regard to civilian capabilities, achieving the original civilian Headline Goal would already constitute a significant improvement, but there is a lack of implementation and follow-through by the Member States. If decentralised civilian capacity-building does not work, the EU should have recourse to sizeable standby
pools of civilian personnel which are pre-identified, trained, and ready for deployment.
There is scope for combining military and civilian capability development in at least five areas: communications, information, transport, protection and logistics.
The EU could be the first to create a permanent civilian-military Operational Headquarters (OHQ), in Brussels, which could plan for and conduct both civilian and military operations and, allowing for close interaction with all relevant EU actors, could implement a truly comprehensive approach to crisis management.
Information gathering, analysis and dissemination are strategic enablers for any military or civilian operation or mission. A real Intelligence Fusion and Analysis Centre should replace the scattered poles of intelligence within the EU institutions.
From Strategy to Action.
Adopting a strategy for CSDP will not in itself guarantee resolute action in each and every crisis. But forging a consensus on priority regions and issues and drawing the conclusions from that for our capabilities, including planning and conduct, will focus our preventive, long-term efforts, and will certainly make us better prepared for action in any contingency.
Being more prepared and knowing in advance what our priority regions and issues are, and why, will then hopefully also strengthen the political will to generate action under the EU flag by the able and willing Member States, and will thus make for an EU that carries its weight on the global stage.
Biscop, Sven.
Coelmont, Jo.
2011-06
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32325/1/ep49.pdf
http://www.egmontinstitute.be/paperegm/ep49.pdf
Biscop, Sven. and Coelmont, Jo. (2011) Europe deploys towards a civil-military strategy for CSDP. Egmont Paper No. 49, June 2011. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/32325/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32565
2011-12-30T19:45:52Z
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The Elephant and the Bear: The European Union, Russia and their Near Abroads. CEPS Paperback. October 2001
Emerson, Michael
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
EU-Caucasus
Greece
Cyprus
Turkey
Russia
EU-Black Sea region
The idea of the Russian Bear has long been established in the European mind. The image of a huge, threatening and wild presence in the north is often juxtaposed against the placid and weightier European elephant. These images, despite their humour and even candour, in fact help us focus on the biggest uncertainty of the 21st century: the cohabitation of Europe and Russia. This study offers a conceptual framework to try to bring order into this complex and evolving EU-Russian relationship. The objective of the report is to set out the concepts, paradigms and to some extent the ideologies that are at play in this evolution of the Wider Europe.
2001-10
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32565/1/4._The_Elephant_and_the_Bear.pdf
http://www.ceps.be/book/elephant-and-bear-european-union-russia-and-their-near-abroads
Emerson, Michael (2001) The Elephant and the Bear: The European Union, Russia and their Near Abroads. CEPS Paperback. October 2001. Series > Centre for European Policy Studies (Brussels) > CEPS Paperbacks <http://aei.pitt.edu/view/series/SMCEPSPaperbacks.html> . UNSPECIFIED. ISBN 9290793503
http://aei.pitt.edu/32565/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32569
2011-12-30T16:46:43Z
7374617475733D707562
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7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
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7375626A656374733D44:44303032:64303032627372
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303139
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Europe's Black Sea Dimension. CEPS Paperback. June 2002
Adams, Terry D.
Mee, Lawrence David
Emerson, Michael
Vahl , Marius
energy policy (Including international arena)
environmental policy (including international arena)
regionalism, international
enlargement
EU-Black Sea region
The Organisation for Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) brings together one of the most diverse regions in the world. Formed following the end of the Cold War from two opposing political and military blocs, the BSEC serves as an exemplary model of the spirit it takes to overcome differences and to jointly make progress. The prospect of EU enlargement in the area in combination with the readiness of BSEC member states for close collaboration with Europe merits serious attention. In this report, some of the crucial policy areas for the region (including energy and environment) are set against a strategy for the wider European architecture.
2002-06
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32569/1/8._Europe's_Black_Sea_Dimension.pdf
http://www.ceps.be/book/europes-black-sea-dimension
Adams, Terry D. and Mee, Lawrence David and Emerson, Michael and Vahl , Marius (2002) Europe's Black Sea Dimension. CEPS Paperback. June 2002. Series > Centre for European Policy Studies (Brussels) > CEPS Paperbacks <http://aei.pitt.edu/view/series/SMCEPSPaperbacks.html> . UNSPECIFIED. ISBN 929079383X
http://aei.pitt.edu/32569/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32600
2013-01-08T22:53:14Z
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Readings in European Security, Volume 4. CEPS Paperbacks. May 2007
Emerson, Michael
Heisbourg, François
energy policy (Including international arena)
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-US
EU-Islam
European Neighbourhood Policy
enlargement
Netherlands
Russia
Ukraine
conflict resolution/crisis management
EU-Black Sea region
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
multi-speed integration
terrorism
The fourth volume of Readings in European Security considers the EU’s internal and external challenges on a number of fronts, spanning from its own burning banlieues to Afghanistan. Containing the most recent set of working papers of the European Security Forum (Nos. 21 through 25), this collection brings together the contributions of leading experts on security matters during the period of January 2006 to February 2007. The book begins with the wider implications of the EU’s constitutional malaise on the international scene and the EU’s current or desired role as a strategic actor. The reflection on internal challenges extends to consider the rise of suicide bombings and parallel societies within Europe, with scholars offering diverse views on the role of Islam. Risks to the EU’s energy security are also assessed, in which its relations with Russia figure prominently. Ukraine comes to the fore in this context, with in-depth analysis given of its energy and foreign policy goals against the background of domestic reforms. Finally, the chapter devoted to Afghanistan provides a critical assessment of the West’s handling of the conflict, underscoring its growing difficulties in trying to set the global strategic agenda.
Centre for European Policy Studies
Emerson, Michael
Heisbourg, François
2007-05
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32600/1/39._Readings_in_European_Security_(vol_4).pdf
http://www.ceps.eu/book/readings-european-security-volume-4
Emerson, Michael and Heisbourg, François (2007) Readings in European Security, Volume 4. CEPS Paperbacks. May 2007. Series > Centre for European Policy Studies (Brussels) > CEPS Paperbacks <http://aei.pitt.edu/view/series/SMCEPSPaperbacks.html> . Centre for European Policy Studies. ISBN 9789290796794
http://aei.pitt.edu/32600/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:33544
2012-05-03T17:57:43Z
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74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The EU Strategy for the Danube Region: What Potential Contribution to Regional Stability and Co-operation? Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Paper 4/2011, September 2011
Kodri, Mojca
regionalism, international
EU-Baltics
EU-Black Sea region
The European Union Strategy for the Danube Region is a recent initiative that aims to enhance sub-regional co-operation through collaboration on a series of crossborder projects. In this paper, I present an analysis of the strategy’s preparation and consultation stages in order to assess the extent to which it incorporates an effective external dimension, capable of enhancing regional stability and cooperation. In order to identify a set of common indicators that are indicative of successful sub-regional policy, I begin my research with an analysis of three existing sub-regional frameworks: the European Union Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region, the Northern Dimension and the Black Sea Economic Co-operation. On the basis of this analysis, I identify indicators of successful sub-regional policy as: equal partnership, joint ownership, diverse stakeholder involvement, adequate funding and
institutional capacity, strong level of commitment and common interests and objectives. When applied to the external dimension of the European Union Strategy
for the Danube Region, the indicators reveal several weaknesses that may serve to reduce the strategy’s overall effectiveness. By identifying areas for improvement,
this research aims to make a contribution to progressive sub-regional policy, while providing a comprehensive case study that may be subject to analysis within a broader theoretical framework.
2011-09
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/33544/1/BRIGG_4%2D2011_Kodric.pdf
http://www.cris.unu.edu/fileadmin/workingpapers/BRIGG_papers/BRIGG_4_2011.pdf
Kodri, Mojca (2011) The EU Strategy for the Danube Region: What Potential Contribution to Regional Stability and Co-operation? Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Paper 4/2011, September 2011. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/33544/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:74137
2018-03-03T22:25:20Z
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A 2020 Vision for the Black Sea Region: A Report by the Commission on the Black Sea
Aydin, Mustafa
Triantaphyllou, Dimitrios
EU-Black Sea region
The Black Sea region is coming into its own - but it is a contested and sometimes dangerous neighbourhood. It has undergone countless political transformations over time. And now, once again, it is becoming the subject of an intense debate. This reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea countries and the complex realities of their politics and conflicts, economies and societies. Geography, the interests of others and the region’s relations with the rest of the world in large part explain its resurgence. Straddling Europe and Asia, the
Black Sea links north to south and east to west. Oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all crucial in explaining its increasing relevance.
2010
Other
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/74137/1/2020_Vision_for_the_Black_Sea.pdf
Aydin, Mustafa and Triantaphyllou, Dimitrios (2010) A 2020 Vision for the Black Sea Region: A Report by the Commission on the Black Sea. UNSPECIFIED.
http://aei.pitt.edu/74137/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:92499
2017-11-13T17:33:23Z
7374617475733D707562
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Exploring the Impact of the EU’s Promotion of Regional and Inter-regional Processes in the Black Sea Region through Science Diplomacy. EL-CSID Working paper Issue 2017/7 • September 2017
Boers, Elke
EU-Black Sea region
Building on the analytical tools defined by Kingah, Amaya & Van Langenhove (2016) in the EL-CSID Working Paper 1, this paper assesses the willingness, capacity and acceptance of EU SD policies in the Black Sea Region (BSR). This qualitative mapping looks at science initiatives that aimed to enhance regional cooperation, both in the BSR itself and between those countries and the EU. There has been widespread commitment and willingness from the EU and the BSR to involve in science cooperation projects, and the projects under FP6, FP7 and H2020 did not face acceptance issues from national or regional leaders. However, implementation of the envisaged objectives and Action Plans has been quite often lacking or incomplete due to capacity issues or weak political commitment. Much more needs to be done in this area if the EU and the BS countries want to reach the full potential of the H2020 projects. On the other hand, a broader political framework that shows a clear vision of the EU towards the BSR is lacking, as the Black Sea Synergy (BSS) has been inactive and the Eastern Partnership has been gaining more momentum and thus overshadowed the BSS. Moreover, political tensions in the BSR will push the EU to opt for a more careful approach towards the region, where either all stakeholders will have to be better involved, or some stakeholders should be left out to ensure a better functioning of future projects.
2017-09
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/92499/1/WorkingPaper_BlackSeaRegion_Elke_Boers_2017%2D7.pdf
https://www.ies.be/working-paper/el-csid-working-paper-7-exploring-impact-eu%E2%80%99s-promotion-regional-and-inter-regional
Boers, Elke (2017) Exploring the Impact of the EU’s Promotion of Regional and Inter-regional Processes in the Black Sea Region through Science Diplomacy. EL-CSID Working paper Issue 2017/7 • September 2017. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/92499/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:102313
2020-01-29T01:43:21Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030324575726F7065616E4E65696768626F7572686F6F64506F6C696379
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7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303139
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Die Energieinteressen der EU im Südkaukasus und die Rolle der
Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik. TAIF Nr. 10/2015 = The EU's energy interests in the
South Caucasus and the role of
European Neighbourhood Policy. TAIF No. 10/2015
Baur, Benjamin J.
energy policy (Including international arena)
European Neighbourhood Policy
EU-Black Sea region
In the year 2004 the EU implemented the European Neighbourhood Policy as the latest
policy instrument in order to create a sustainable and coherent policy with the countries
in its next-door neighbourhood. From the very beginning the countries of the southern
Caucasus, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia were part of the European Neighbourhood
Policy, although these countries were not designated to be part of the European
Neighbourhood Policy because of their geographical distance when the European
Neighbourhood Policy was designed. This paper delves into the question of why the
EU changed its position within only one year. This paper will identify the geostrategic
interests that played a key role as well as analyze to what extend the EU's course of
action can be explained with a modified neorealistic approach. This approach shall help
to scrutinize and better understand the current and future developments in the
neighbourhood policy of the EU.
2015
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/102313/1/Baur_TAIF_10%2D2015.pdf
Baur, Benjamin J. (2015) Die Energieinteressen der EU im Südkaukasus und die Rolle der Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik. TAIF Nr. 10/2015 = The EU's energy interests in the South Caucasus and the role of European Neighbourhood Policy. TAIF No. 10/2015. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/102313/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:103845
2024-03-19T17:54:21Z
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7375626A656374733D46:46303335
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Ukraine’s path to European Union membership and its long-term implications. Bruegel Policy Brief Issue 05/24, March 2024.
Darvas , Zsolt
Dabrowski , Marek
Grabbe , Heather
Moffat, Lucca
Sapir , André
Zachmann , Georg
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
enlargement
Ukraine
EU-Black Sea region
Whether and when Ukraine accedes to the European Union will depend greatly on how and when its war with Russia ends and post-war reconstruction starts, and how the EU handles issues of governance, security, migration, trade, investment, the energy transition, decarbonisation and the EU budget.
The enlargement process is likely to overlap with post-war reconstruction, increasing the EU's influence in fostering Ukraine’s institutional development. Ukrainian leaders will have strong incentives to comply with the accession criteria, which the EU should use astutely to create a better-functioning economy and public institutions, especially by reducing opportunities for corruption. This will require clearer standards for rule-of-law and fundamental values, including effective tools to ensure continued compliance after accession. That is also the most effective way to ensure a positive impact of future enlargements on EU governance.
The EU will also need to develop assistance programmes to help the Ukrainian government manage post-war external and internal security challenges, including the large number of weapons in circulation, and to encourage Ukrainian refugees to return to the country when possible, as they will be needed for the reconstruction effort.
If the current EU budget rules were applied and there were no transitional arrangements – which is unlikely – we calculate the total annual cost of Ukraine's integration into the EU budget at 0.13 per cent of EU GDP, which would hardly change net recipient/payer positions of current EU members. Some of this funding would come back to the EU via EU companies participating in EU-funded projects in Ukraine. Ukraine’s entry into the EU would benefit EU GDP via trade, migration and foreign direct investment, boosting employment, production and tax revenues in the EU.
The history of EU enlargement shows that the strongest motivation for difficult reforms is a credible and predictable accession process based on rewarding reforms. Both Ukraine and the EU would benefit from progressive integration of the country into EU policies, alongside the formal accession negotiations. That would show the Ukrainian public the tangible benefits of moving towards EU standards, while also bringing Ukraine into areas such as energy cooperation and decarbonisation.
2024-03
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/103845/1/PB_05_2024_2.pdf
Darvas , Zsolt and Dabrowski , Marek and Grabbe , Heather and Moffat, Lucca and Sapir , André and Zachmann , Georg (2024) Ukraine’s path to European Union membership and its long-term implications. Bruegel Policy Brief Issue 05/24, March 2024. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/103845/