2024-03-28T20:02:46Zhttp://aei.pitt.edu/cgi/oai2
oai:aei.pitt.edu:200
2019-12-13T18:06:36Z
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7375626A656374733D46:46303235
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Finis Neutralität? Historische und politische Aspekte im europäischen vergleich: Irland, Finnland, Schweden, Schweiz und Österreich = The End of Neutrality? Historical and political Aspects in European Comparison: Ireland, Finland, Sweden, Switzerland and Austria. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 92
Gehler, Michael.
Ireland
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Finland
Sweden
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
Switzerland
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
Austria
[From the Introduction]. I. Terminologien, Funktionen und Dimensionen. Neutralitäts-Begriffsinhalt und -Recht entstanden Ende des 14. Jh Im 15. Jh. wurden Ausdrücke wie "neutralitet" und "neutralité" erstmals verwendet. Im deutschen Sprachgebrauch taucht das Wort zeitgleich auf. Sein Ursprung ist lateinisch: 'ne uter ' = 'keiner von beiden '. Die Semantik blieb unverändert. Unter Neutralität verstand man im 14. Jh. dasselbe wie im 20. Jh.: Nichtbeteiligung am Krieg zwischen zwei oder mehreren Staaten. Unterschiede in Vorstellung und Erfassung des Inhalts erwuchsen erst durch die völkerrechtliche Begriffsbestimmung, nach der Neutralität die Summe aller Rechte und Pflichten ist, die aus der Nichtbeteiligung am Kriege resultieren. Während der Kerngehalt unverändert blieb, wurde strittig, was zu Rechten und Pflichten zählt. Kontroversen über "militärische", "wirtschaftliche", "moralische", "bewaffnete" oder "wohlwollende" Neutralität folgten. Zu ihren Funktionen und Dimensionen: Politisch bedeutet Neutralität, "keiner Partei anzugehören"; völkerrechtlich, sich zwischen zwei oder mehreren kriegführenden Staaten zu befinden und weder auf der einen noch auf der anderen Seite zu stehen. Dauerhafte Neutralität heißt, außerhalb von Krieg vorwirkend auch selbst in Friedenszeiten hinsichtlich möglicher zukünftiger Konflikte neutral zu sein. Hier ist nur von der äußeren, der politischen im Gegensatz zur inneren oder "theologischen" Neutralität die Rede. Letztere fand im innerstaatlichen Bereich, v.a. im Verhältnis politischer oder staatlicher Gewalt gegenüber gesellschaftlichen Gruppen und Einrichtungen sowie Institutionen (Gewerkschaften, Konfessionen, Kirchen, etc.), Anwendung.
2001
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/200/1/dp_c92_gehler.pdf
Gehler, Michael. (2001) Finis Neutralität? Historische und politische Aspekte im europäischen vergleich: Irland, Finnland, Schweden, Schweiz und Österreich = The End of Neutrality? Historical and political Aspects in European Comparison: Ireland, Finland, Sweden, Switzerland and Austria. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 92. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/200/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:429
2011-02-15T23:43:27Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:447
2011-02-15T23:43:30Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:449
2011-02-15T23:43:31Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:467
2011-02-15T23:43:35Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:542
2011-02-15T22:15:42Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Consistency as an Issue in EU External Activities. EIPA Working Paper 99/W/06
Duke, Simon
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[From the Introduction]. The European Community (EC) was initially only competent in the area of trade and gradually developed a common commercial policy. The 1970s onwards saw increasing foreign policy co-operation in the framework of European Political Co-operation (EPC). Over the next two decades the increasing number of external activities of the Union highlighted the need for consistency between the EC’s external competencies conducted in the context of the first pillar and the intergovernmental ones of the second pillar and, to an growing extent, the third pillar. By the late 1990s the European Union (EU) accounted for a greater percentage of global gross national product than the U.S. and Japan. The EU also contributes more to the UN budget and peacekeeping operations than either the U.S. or Japan. Given the enormous importance of the EU as a global actor and its potential to play an even more influential role, it is not difficult to see why concerns of consistency in the EU’s external activities are legitimate. Consistency has become something of a refrain. Most recently the consolidated Treaty on European Union (CTEU) states that, 'The Union shall be served by a single institutional framework which shall ensure the consistency and the continuity of the activities carried out in order to attain its objectives while respecting and building upon the acquis communautaire.' [CTEU, 1997, Article 3] To this end, it is to the Union generally that the task of ensuring 'consistency in its external activities as a whole in the context of external relations, security, economic and development policies' falls. The Council and Commission are though charged with particular responsibility in this regard. The objective of achieving consistency in the Union’s external activities is to ensure that the Union can 'assert its identity on the international scheme.' [CTEU, 1997, Article 2] In support of the general theme of consistency the European Council identified the aim of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) as being to enable the Union to speak with one voice. The same theme is returned to within the CFSP mechanisms, both directly but also indirectly through reference to 'common positions,' 'joint decisions,' 'joint actions,' and, most recently, 'common strategies.'
1999
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/542/1/99w06.pdf
Duke, Simon (1999) Consistency as an Issue in EU External Activities. EIPA Working Paper 99/W/06. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/542/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:803
2011-02-15T22:16:20Z
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7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
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74797065733D61727469636C65
The European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy and the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference
Koliopoulos, Kostas
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
IGC 1996
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[From the Introduction]. The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) was established by the Maastricht Treaty to form the Second Pillar of the European Union (EU). It is an upgraded version of European Political Cooperation (EPC), which developed gradually in the 1970s and 1980s. Despite receiving a treaty basis by way of the 1986 Single European Act, EPC remained a loose form of cooperation between Member States in the field of foreign policy. Political integration has proved to be slower and harder to achieve; foreign, security and defence policies are very sensitive sectors and Member States are reluctant to surrender their sovereign rights to the European level. The creation of a common foreign and security policy was therefore seen as a step forward, in line with integration in the economic fields.
1995
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/803/1/2.htm
Koliopoulos, Kostas (1995) The European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy and the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference. EIPASCOPE, 1995 (2). pp. 1-4.
http://aei.pitt.edu/803/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:804
2011-02-15T22:16:20Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D61727469636C65
From Maastricht to Amsterdam: Was it Worth the Journey for CFSP?
Vanhoonacker, Sophie
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[From the Introduction]. As in 1991, the question of the further development of Europe’s foreign policy capacities has once again been high on the agenda of the 1996-1997 Intergovernmental Conference. The high expectations of 1991 following the transformation in Maastricht of European Political Cooperation (EPC) into CFSP had not been fulfilled and following Europe’s poor performance in the Yugoslavian crisis, European citizens did not hide their disappointment. They have increasingly seen the European Union as a paper tiger incapable of acting and not able to take care of its own security. Whether the amendments introduced in Amsterdam will be able to change that image, remains however very much the question.
1997
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/804/1/Scop97_2_2.pdf
Vanhoonacker, Sophie (1997) From Maastricht to Amsterdam: Was it Worth the Journey for CFSP? EIPASCOPE, 1997 (2). pp. 1-3.
http://aei.pitt.edu/804/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2157
2011-02-15T22:21:29Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The institutions of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy: How bureaucratic politics meets network analysis"
Piana, Claire.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
The paper is divided in two parts. The first part offers an overview of the institutions of the EU foreign policy as they have unfolded over time: from the EPC until the Amsterdam Treaty. I show that although changes have been brought to the CFSP institutional framework, it mainly remains intergovernmental. The second part of the paper turns to the two theoretical frameworks chosen to explain why the institutions of the CFSP do not work. I first show how the institutional framework is the source of inter- and intra-structural clashes, using a bureaucratic politics approach issued mainly from the works of Graham Allison, Morton Halperin and Guy Peters. I then turn to network analysis, and show why it is the sufficient complement to bureaucratic politics. Finally, I conclude by analyzing theoretical and policy implications of the framework used, and by pointing to some criticisms that can be addressed to network analysis.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2157/1/002249_1.PDF
Piana, Claire. (2001) "The institutions of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy: How bureaucratic politics meets network analysis". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2157/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2275
2011-02-15T22:22:01Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
“Conceptualizing the European Union as an International Actor: Narrowing the Theoretical Capability-Expectations Gap”
Ginsberg, Roy H.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
This article identifies relevant explanatory concepts of European foreign policy (EFP) and organizes those concepts into a heuristically useful model that depicts the stimuli, processes, and effects of EFP decision-making. A cadre of scholars has worked on conceptualizing the European Union as an international actor, but explanations are still at the pre-theoretical stage. Although theorists are developing new and reworking old explanatory concepts, these concepts are not linked in any meaningful way to an overall analytical model. The article begins on a sober note concerning the problems associated with conceptualizing European Union external identity but ends on a more sanguine one about the potential for progress not thought possible a short time ago. Scholars are developing explanatory concepts more balanced, rounded, finessed, and nuanced than those of their predecessors, and they are moving beyond establishing the existence of EFP to assessing the outcomes of EFP.
1999
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2275/1/002630.PDF
Ginsberg, Roy H. (1999) “Conceptualizing the European Union as an International Actor: Narrowing the Theoretical Capability-Expectations Gap”. In: UNSPECIFIED, Pittsburgh, PA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2275/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2570
2011-02-15T22:23:01Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:656661454D55454D536575726F
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"European Monetary Union: A factor of foreign policy between 1960-1971?"
Dupont, Nicolas.
EMU/EMS/euro
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
The main purpose of this paper is to study the connection between monetary and foreign policies in the EEC between 1958 and 1971. Is foreign policy an accurate and appropriate word to qualify the conduct of external affairs by the EC during the sixties? Obviously not, because it implies a real common management in the field of international relationships and at the same time there was none. But that goes as well for monetary and economic policy, though the very principles of a common monetary policy were endorsed by the member states and even applicant states. It is indeed not easy to speak of economic and monetary policies during the 1960s whereas the process of custom integration is a priority over any common integration. Yet we shouldn't lay the emphasis on that point; as a matter of fact, the common management of the monetary resources were not far from being reached, notably thanks to the creation of the European Monetary Board and the mid-term economic policy board. In regard to economic and monetary policies, foreign policy management seems more erratic and far more in embryo to the extent that it seems more fruitful to consider it as a part of custom and economic integration. On the one hand, the study of custom integration and foreign policy is for long being undertaken, notably concerning the enlargement of the EC to the UK. On the other hand, the study of relationships between monetary and foreign policies remains a vast field to explore.
1997
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2570/1/002837_1.PDF
Dupont, Nicolas. (1997) "European Monetary Union: A factor of foreign policy between 1960-1971?". In: UNSPECIFIED, Seattle, WA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2570/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2583
2011-02-15T22:23:05Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
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7375626A656374733D45:45303035
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7375626A656374733D45:45303131
7375626A656374733D46:46303138
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Iberia and Europe: A post-Cold War understanding in Spanish and Portuguese defense policies?"
Frain, Maritheresa F.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Spain
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
Portugal
WEU
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
NATO
For the first time, Spain and Portugal--often no longer with their backs to one another--may have a unique opportunity to begin to cooperate on coordinating common foreign and security policies within the European Union framework and NATO. In fact, I shall argue that it will be in both countries' interests (not to mention the EU's as well) to do so--however difficult and costly reaching agreements may be--and that serious attempts to build consensus will be vitally necessary to secure Europe's southern flank. This paper will be organized into the following sections: (1) historical background outlining how divergent Spain and Portugal's defense policies have been and why; (2) Spain and Portugal's relations with NATO during the Cold War; (3) Spain and Portugal's relations in WEU and CFSP; and (4) Spain and Portugal's relations with NATO after the end of the Cold War. The conclusion will summarize what the future will hold for greater cooperation between Spain and Portugal within NATO and the WEU.
1997
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2583/1/002828_1.pdf
Frain, Maritheresa F. (1997) "Iberia and Europe: A post-Cold War understanding in Spanish and Portuguese defense policies?". In: UNSPECIFIED, Seattle, WA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2583/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2690
2011-02-15T22:23:34Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166666C65676974696D616379
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The CFSP at Maastricht: Old friend or new enemy?"
Nuttall, Simon.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
legitimacy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
Is the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) which has developed from the Maastricht Treaty (TEU) an old friend or a new enemy? Does it merely carry forward the procedures and ethos of European Political Cooperation (EPC)--an old friend, predictable in its functioning and threatening no interests--or is it so interwoven with Community procedures that it alarms both the neo-Gaullists, determined to keep foreign policy intergovernmental, and the integrationists, equally determined to safeguard Community procedures? Is it the new enemy of both orthodoxies? This paper describes the features that made EPC work, and the drawbacks to that process. It suggests that the negative features of EPC persist in the post-Maastricht period, while the positive ones are being eroded. It chronicles the development of "consistency" and the genesis of the Maastricht Treaty, and shows how the TEU’s inability to grasp procedural mettles has left a clear field for rival bureaucratic groups representing rival foreign policy cultures to contend for power. The old foreign policy establishment appears to be losing out in this struggle. Finally, through an examination of the concept of legitimacy, it suggests that the on-going institutional debate in the Intergovernmental Conference is ultimately sterile, and that only a reevaluation of the nature of the Union’s foreign policy can prevent the CFSP from falling victim to an argument which neither side can win.
1997
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2690/1/002762_1.PDF
Nuttall, Simon. (1997) "The CFSP at Maastricht: Old friend or new enemy?". In: UNSPECIFIED, Seattle, WA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2690/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2756
2011-02-15T22:23:53Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The use of economic tools in support of foreign policy goals: The linkage between EC and CFSP in the European Union framework"
Wilde D'estmael, Tanguy de.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
This paper aims at showing how a link has been progressively established between the economic external relations of the European Communities and the decisions taken by the member states in the European political cooperation (EPC) process. EPC has been now transformed into a common foreign and security policy (CFSP) by the treaty on European Union. Before discussing the efficiency or the consistency of political conditionality in EC economic external relations, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the political and legal aspects of the building of a link between EC and EPC/CFSP in the international arena. Therefore, one has to make some preliminary remarks to recall the origin of CFSP and to grasp the nature of such a "common" policy. We will then move on to the most striking aspect of the EC-EPC/ CFSP linkage: the economic sanctions issue. Afterwards, we will point out some consequences of the EC economic sanctions practice (positive economic measures or regulation concerning the export of dual-use goods), and finally, we will try to assess the recurring presence of a kind of democratic conditionality in the economic external relations of the EU.
1997
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2756/1/002717_1.PDF
Wilde D'estmael, Tanguy de. (1997) "The use of economic tools in support of foreign policy goals: The linkage between EC and CFSP in the European Union framework". In: UNSPECIFIED, Seattle, WA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2756/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:3088
2011-02-15T22:25:24Z
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7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Echoes for Today: Lessons from US Policy Toward the European Defense Community"
Armitage, David T.
EU-US
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[Introduction]. At an NSC meeting in June 1954, Secretary of State Dulles expressed concern that the administration’s "tough policy was becoming increasingly unpopular." Particularly in Europe, he worried that "the distrust of US strategy among our allies" was "whittling down the influence of the United States." The conclusion he drew was that Washington would have to recognize that "we can no longer run the free world." As some have noted and the introductory quote underscores, the US sense of "hegemonic dominance" during the Cold War was not as strong as often portrayed. In fact, what was more telling was the manner in which the foreign policy was conducted. The purpose of this paper is to trace US policy towards the EDC and to draw some lessons that may be applicable in the present transatlantic context. The paper will be divided into two parts. The first part reviews the evolution and implementation of US policy towards the EDC, with a focus on the beliefs and discourse of policy entrepreneurs, as well as the influence of domestic politics. The second section posits four lessons that are important for current transatlantic relations.
2005
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/3088/1/EUSA_2005_echoes%2D1.txt
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/3088/2/EUSA_2005_echoes.doc
Armitage, David T. (2005) "Echoes for Today: Lessons from US Policy Toward the European Defense Community". In: UNSPECIFIED, Austin, Texas. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/3088/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:3269
2011-02-15T22:26:12Z
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7375626A656374733D46:46303036
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Developing Europe into a "Third Great Power Bloc": The United States, France and the Failure of the European Defense Community"
Anderson, Stephanie B.
France
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
EU-US
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
In opposition to US policy today, during the 1950’s, the United States was a strong, even the primary supporter, of a supranational European defense force with the goal of creating a European power bloc. Ironically, French distrust of the integration process killed the EDC. Moreover, the failure of the French to ratify the EDC was a major step on the road to mistrust between France and the US that continues to exist today.
2005
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/3269/1/SBA_EDC_paper_05_rev_hist.txt
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/3269/2/SBA_EDC_paper_05_rev_hist.doc
Anderson, Stephanie B. (2005) "Developing Europe into a "Third Great Power Bloc": The United States, France and the Failure of the European Defense Community". In: UNSPECIFIED, Austin, Texas. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/3269/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6481
2011-02-15T22:42:45Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Dealing with the U.S. hegemony: Soft and hard power in the external relations of the European Union"
Dominguez-Rivera, Roberto.
EU-US
international trade
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[T]he hypothesis of this paper is: The more the EU is able to encapsulate the interests of the fifteen member states in a common front, the greater are the opportunities for more beneficial agreements with the United States, and to constrain or replace the actions or inactions of the U.S. hegemony. In order to support this proposition, the first part of this paper focuses on the current theoretical debate on the transatlantic relationship. Secondly, the paper analyzes the nature of the EU foreign policy, emphasizing the problems associated with the intergovernmental and supranational model to design its external relations. The third section describes the relative balance between the U.S. and the EU on economic terms, and considers the benefits of having international institutions to regulate trade practices. Finally, the imbalance in security affairs is depicted, highlighting the new institutional developments in Europe to participate in regional crises with or without (but not against) the United States.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6481/1/000459_1.PDF
Dominguez-Rivera, Roberto. (2003) "Dealing with the U.S. hegemony: Soft and hard power in the external relations of the European Union". In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, TN. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/6481/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6838
2011-02-15T22:44:49Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D45:45303131
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Common Foreign and Security Policy: Can History be Overcome?"
Vanhoonacker, Sophie
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
WEU
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
decision making/policy-making
The following article will examine some of the principal organisational and institutional problems thwarting CFSP and look at how the IGC might address them. Four major themes have been selected for a more detailed analysis: the question of introducing Qualified Majority Voting; the issue of consistency among the pillars; the legitimacy of CFSP; and the relationship of the EU with the Western European Union. Throughout the history of European integration, foreign policy cooperation, going to the very core of the sovereignty of a nation, has always been a very slow and strenuous process. After the failure of the European Defence Community in the 1950s and the Fouchet negotiations in the 1960s, it only developed from 1970 onwards in the framework of European Political Cooperation (EPC). EPC developed outside the Community framework on a purely intergovernmental basis and it was only with the adoption of the Single European Act that it received a treaty basis.
1997
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6838/1/002722.PDF
Vanhoonacker, Sophie (1997) "Common Foreign and Security Policy: Can History be Overcome?". In: UNSPECIFIED, Seattle, WA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/6838/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7111
2011-02-15T22:46:25Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"European Community foreign policy actions in the 1980s"
Ginsberg, Roy H.
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
The purpose of this paper is to show-through empirical analysis-the widening scope of European Community (EC) foreign policy actions and to explain the causes of those actions. The premium is placed on development and interpretation of macropolitical data to gauge historical trends rather than on case study. These data show that the EC became an active foreign policy player many years before the events of 1989-90 in Eastern and Central Europe brought the world's attention to the leading position of the EC in the geometry of a post-cold war international system….Two central concepts are introduced in the paper: foreign policy action and politics of scale. An EC foreign policy action is a specific, conscious, goal-oriented undertaking putting forth a unified membership position toward nonmembers. international bodies, and international events and issues (Ginsberg, 1989, p. 2). Joint foreign policy activity refers to the process by which the EC and its members coordinate and implement joint civilian foreign policy actions to reap benefits from politics of scale. Politics of scale refers to the benefits of collective over individual action in the conduct of foreign policy, enabling members to conduct joint foreign policy actions at lower costs and risks than when they act on their own.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7111/1/002159.PDF
Ginsberg, Roy H. (1991) "European Community foreign policy actions in the 1980s". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7111/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7112
2011-02-15T22:46:26Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:4430303349474331393931
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666707569657075
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Reforming EPC and the IGC: the possible transformation of political cooperation into a common foreign and security policy"
Holland, Martin.
IGC 1991
political union & integration/European Political Union
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[From the Introduction]. This article is primarily concerned with the issue of Community foreign policy which forms part of the IGC debate on Political Union. Is a common expression of the EC's foreign policy a specious endeavour, or can the 1990s experience the long-awaited “saut qualitif" In order to set the context, a brief history of the development of European Political Cooperation (EPC) from its inception until the ratification of the Single European Act (SEA) in 1987 is necessary.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7112/1/002160_1.pdf
Holland, Martin. (1991) "Reforming EPC and the IGC: the possible transformation of political cooperation into a common foreign and security policy". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7112/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7116
2011-02-15T22:46:27Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"West European responses to change in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe"
Allen, David.
Russia
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-Central and Eastern Europe
Germany
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[From the Introduction]. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the individual and collective responses of the West Europeans to the events of 1989 and 1990 and to make some judgements about the extent to which they were able to rise to the leadership challenge that they posed. On the one hand these events can be seen to present the West Europeans with a great opportunity to both widen and deepen their integrative experiment in a Europe no longer divided or dominated by the superpower protagonists. This view would see the Cold War as placing definite limits on what was achievable at the collective European level particularly in the foreign and security policy spheres; it would see NATO and the need for the US nuclear umbrella as a restraint on the development of a European security identity and the continuance of the east west divide as an inhibition to the extension of the European Community ( and thus of economic and political integration) to include either the neutral states of Western Europe or the states of eastern Europe. The end of the cold war would thus be seen as resulting in the lifting of a series of restraints on the West Europeans in the pursuit of their collective endeavours.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7116/1/002164_1.PDF
Allen, David. (1991) "West European responses to change in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7116/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7155
2011-02-15T22:46:39Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Trends in the literature on European Community foreign policy"
Ginsberg, Roy H.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
[From the Introduction]. This essay surveys trends in book and book chapter works on European Community (EC) foreign policy during 1987-93. Although the EC does not have a common foreign policy, it does have specific foreign policies and it takes foreign policy actions. Usage of the term "EC foreign policy" in this piece recognizes that the EC is not a state but is a foreign policy actor. Actions of the EC and its foreign policy forum, European Political Cooperation (EPC), are included under the umbrella of "EC foreign policy" . The number of works covered is a floor, not a ceiling. The author apologizes if he left out any references and welcomes responses to his normative interpretations. With a few exceptions, periodical literature is not covered in this draft but will be covered in the final report. The essay's scope is also limited because it does not include non-English works. There is a rich body of literature in, for example, German to which most Americans will not enjoy access. More foreign language training and more translations are needed!
1993
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7155/1/002389_1.PDF
Ginsberg, Roy H. (1993) "Trends in the literature on European Community foreign policy". In: UNSPECIFIED, Washington, DC. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7155/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7191
2011-02-15T22:46:50Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D45:45303039
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136:4430303230313645617374536F7574686561737441736961
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Comments by Samuel F. Wells, Jr. Session on 'Integration and Security: EC, NATO, CSCE'"
Wells, Samuel F.
OSCE/Helsinki Process/CSCE
East and Southeast Asia
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
NATO
[From the Introduction]. Having just returned from two weeks in Japan and South Korea, I find that I have a somewhat different perspective on issues relating to European integration and security than I would have had before my trip. Like most of the members of this panel and many in the audience, I have spent almost all of my professional life studying the relations between the United States and Europe, including the Soviet Union. In-depth discussions with Asian political and intellectual leaders underline how parochial many of our Eurocentric discussions have become. It is clear that very fundamental changes are underway in Europe and that these will have a substantial effect on U.S.-European relations generally, but it is almost certainly the case that the change in the nature of our relationship with Europe is likely to be less significant over the next 10-15 years than will be the changes in our relationship with key partners in East Asia, notably Japan and Korea.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7191/1/002440_1A.pdf
Wells, Samuel F. (1991) "Comments by Samuel F. Wells, Jr. Session on 'Integration and Security: EC, NATO, CSCE'". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7191/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7195
2011-02-15T22:46:52Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:4430303349474331393931
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D45:45303131
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Integration and Security in West Europe's Political Union"
Rummel, Reinhardt.
IGC 1991
EU-US
WEU
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
NATO
[From the Introduction]. West European defense cooperation has recently become a topic among transatlantic and West European policy makers. All the relevant institutions are busy with discussing proposals: (1) The EC's Intergovernmental Conference on Political Union is elaborating the blueprints for a draft treaty specifying the competences and procedures of EC decision making in security affairs. Relations to WEU are also on the agenda, not so with NATO. (2) NATO has almost completed a review process of its future role, strategy and force structure. Despite some recent official interinstitutional contacts, NATO has hardly started to think of links with WEU and EC. (3) The Presidency of the Western European Union recently (22 February 1991) published plans on the future role of WEU as a bridge between NATO and EC. All of these efforts are designed to (re)organize the security structures in Europe. So far, none of the major conceptual problems has been settled and no master plan has emerged except that NATO, WEU and EC are likely to be interlocked in one way or the other. These three Western organizations will then have to be connected with any of the future all-European structures of security which are in the making, too. The following reflections will deal with some of the proposals and problems of linking NATO, WEU and EC.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7195/1/002443_1A.pdf
Rummel, Reinhardt. (1991) "Integration and Security in West Europe's Political Union". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7195/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7201
2011-02-15T22:46:54Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Security in a post-hegemonic world"
Nelson, Daniel N.
Germany
enlargement
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[From the Introduction]. By various accounts, bipolarity has ended, superpowers have disengaged, the East-West ideological contest is over, and global politics are being restructured. More evocatively, Joseph Nye has written, "...the tectonic plates that have undergirded world politics for half a century have shifted." (1) All of these descriptions of current metamorphoses have their genesis in the collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe, the withdrawal of the Soviet Union's military forces from East-Central Europe, the reunification of Germany, and the prospects for a Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) treaty.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7201/1/002449_1A.pdf
Nelson, Daniel N. (1991) "Security in a post-hegemonic world". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7201/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7208
2011-02-15T22:46:56Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666707569657075
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Towards a common EC foreign and security policy: phases of European political union"
Laursen, Finn.
political union & integration/European Political Union
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[From the Introduction]. The European Community (EC) already plays an international role. In the case of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) this is based on article 6 of the Paris Treaty which clearly states that "in international relations the Community shall enjoy the legal capacity it requires to perform its functions and attain its objective". In the case of the European Economic Community (EEC) there is no similar article, but the Treaty of Rome does give the EEC an international role in various economic areas, especially in the area of commercial policy (art. 113). This, for instance, is why it is the EC Commission which negotiates in the GATT on behalf of the Community. But the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has enunciated the general principle that "in its external relations the Community enjoys the capacity to establish contractual links with non-member States over the whole field of the objectives defined in . . . the Treaty." (2) So, to give an example, the moment the EC has developed a Common Fisheries Policy, based on the Treaty of Rome, this gives the EEC a competence to negotiate fisheries agreements bilaterally with Third Countries or multilaterally within international fisheries commissions. (3)
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7208/1/002456_1A.pdf
Laursen, Finn. (1991) "Towards a common EC foreign and security policy: phases of European political union". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7208/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7222
2011-02-15T22:47:00Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:4430303349474331393931
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666707569657075
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The Limits of Convergence: EPC in Crises"
Hill, Christopher.
IGC 1991
political union & integration/European Political Union
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[From the Introduction]. As the twentieth century moves to its close the peoples of Europe, satiated by collective violence and perhaps anxious to distinguish themselves psychologically from the United States, seem determined to feel badly about any war they beome involved in. No matter that in the recent conflicts over the Falklands and Kuwait the outcome was swift and relatively painless (for the victors), and that the causes being fought for were more obviously just and more clear-cut in their character than in many past disputes, when outpouring of nationalistic self-righteousness were commonplace. Certainly a major side-effect of the Gulf War has been a crisis of conscience over the purposes and effectiveness of Europe's would-be foreign policy, understandably given that the low profile of European Political Cooperation (EPC) in the crisis contrasted uncomfortably with the ambitious proposals launched during the Italian Presidency of the Community in the second half af 1989 and intended to shape the outcome of the imminent Intergovernmental Conference on Political Union. The failure of EPC to whip (in the British Parliamentary sense) memberstates into line during the pre-war diplomacy, and the consequent loss of initiative to the United States over coalition policy, and to the Soviet union over efforts at conflict resolution, seemed to have demonstrated conclusively the finite limits of convergence for the national foreign policies of western Europe
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7222/1/002470_1A.pdf
Hill, Christopher. (1991) "The Limits of Convergence: EPC in Crises". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7222/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7225
2011-02-15T22:47:02Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The American Security Role in Europe: How Does It Relate to the European Community Agenda?"
Hammond, Paul Y.
EU-US
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
NATO
[From the Introduction]. This paper is concerned with the future role of American military power in Europe. It first looks at the present security role, which revolves around the American commitment to NATO. It describes and explains that role in terms of American and European interests in American military commitments to NATO and of American leadership in NATO. Based on these assessments, and assuming that there will remain on both sides of the Atlantic an interest in an American military presence in Europe, it explores possible alternative ways the United States could maintain a military presence in Europe.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7225/1/002473_1A.pdf
Hammond, Paul Y. (1991) "The American Security Role in Europe: How Does It Relate to the European Community Agenda?". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7225/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7226
2011-02-15T22:47:02Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666707569657075
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The European Union and the new European security architecture"
Guicherd, Catherine.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
enlargement
political union & integration/European Political Union
Germany
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[From the Introduction]. In December 1990, the twelve members of the European Community (EC) embarked on an ambitious project of "Political Union (EPU) designed in priority to progressively unify their foreign and security policies. This initiative came as a response to East European developments, with the need to face up to two main challenges: German unification, and demands for economic and political support from countries of Eastern Europe freeing themselves from communism. German unification required an acceleration of European Economic and Monetary Union and spurred the search for a political structure that would prevent a German drift toward the East. East European demands put the EC under such pressure that they threatened to jeopardize the EC economic integration effort. A framework had to be created to deal with them in a cohesive manner.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7226/1/002474_1A.pdf
Guicherd, Catherine. (1991) "The European Union and the new European security architecture". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7226/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7248
2011-02-15T22:47:10Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The Evolution of Security Cooperation in the European Community, 1981-1991"
McSweeney, Bill.
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[Summary]. The intention in the first part of this study is to construct an initial framework for the analysis of security in the EC and to formulate some tentative hypotheses about the underlying pressures for security cooperation which have characterized the Community’s development as an international actor. Following an introductory chapter on terms of reference and positions taken with regard to a defence identity, a chronological account of the main issues relevant to security cooperation provides the basis for analysis. This analysis takes the form of a discussion of the sociological dimensions of security in the nation state, from which a comparison is then drawn with the main themes in the Community’s history. Similar patterns of influence, or pressure, emerge, suggesting some structural similarities between the EC and the nation or federal state, which give rise tu them. But there are significant differences, pointing to the way in which the Community has evolved as a distinctive international actor and to the new context in which its need for security is being articulated.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7248/1/002706_1.PDF
McSweeney, Bill. (1991) "The Evolution of Security Cooperation in the European Community, 1981-1991". In: UNSPECIFIED, Washington, DC. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7248/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7258
2011-02-15T22:47:14Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303136
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D46:46303033
7375626A656374733D46:46303130
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Wider but weaker or the more the merrier: enlargement and foreign policy cooperation in the EC/EU"
Allen, David.
U.K.
Ireland
Denmark
enlargement
Norway
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[From the Introduction]. In 1969 the six member states of the EC decided at the Hague to initiate both enlargement negotiations with the four applicants (UK, Ireland, Denmark and Norway) and the process of foreign policy cooperation known as European Political Cooperation (EPC). There has always been a certain ambiguity about this decision, which can be seen either as a determination to match enlargement - widening - with a parallel decision to deepen or as an intergovernmentalist challenge to the Community method along the lines initially proposed by De Gaulle and Fouchet in the early 1960s.
1995
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7258/1/Allen.pdf
Allen, David. (1995) "Wider but weaker or the more the merrier: enlargement and foreign policy cooperation in the EC/EU". In: UNSPECIFIED, Charleston, South Carolinla. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7258/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7277
2011-02-15T22:47:19Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D46:46303137
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D46:46303039
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"EU-Central Europe Relations 1989-92: A Study of the Union as an International Actor"
Niblett, Robin.
enlargement
Poland
Hungary
Czech Republic
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[Introduction]. This paper concentrates on a crucial aspect of the Union's capacity for action on the international stage: its ability to place its economic power at the disposal of a common foreign policy. Specifically, the paper offers a short case study of the European Community's attempt to support the reform process in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia (henceforth the CE3) between 1989-92 in order to draw a series of insights into the constraints and opportunities that can influence the Union's behaviour as an international actor. The paper argues that the parameters of the Community's response in this case were influenced by factors that were systematic, institutional, and domestic in character. More important, the paper argues that the Community's inability to coordinate these competing pressures so as to ensure consistency between its stated foreign policy -- to underpin the reform process through association agreements --and the eventual foreign economic policy -- the Europe Agreements signed in December 1991 -- was fundamentally affected by the Community's unique decision making structure for external policy. By focusing on the Community's relations with the CE3 during this period, we can better understand the challenges that the Union still faces in trying to integrate the central and east European countries (CEECs) into West European institutions.
1995
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7277/1/Niblett.pdf
Niblett, Robin. (1995) "EU-Central Europe Relations 1989-92: A Study of the Union as an International Actor". In: UNSPECIFIED, Charleston, South Carolina. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7277/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7285
2011-02-15T22:47:22Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303133
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The Europeans, the EC and the Gulf: The Nature of the Response"
Salmon, Trevor C.
EU-Middle East
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[From the introduction]. The Treaty of Rome laid as an objective the laying of "the foundations of an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe." Whilst the treaty identified certain policies, mechanisms, and principles for achieving that union, it did not encompass defence, security, or foreign policy. Nonetheless, the Community cannot be understood by a formal, legalistic study of the treaties. It must be located within a wider political environment, especially the aspiration to achieve political integration, integration in fact, with the creation of a West European political federation with common foreign and defence policies. Inherent in the original ideal was the notion that Europe would act as a single unit in world affairs, would be an actor in its own right. That aspiration surfaced on several subsequent occasions, for example, in the ill-fated attempt in 1972-3 to define 'the European identity' and prior to that in the proposals emanating from The Hague summit in 1969 and the subsequent creation of the Davignon system. Initialy, of course, this new system was separate from the EC system per se, a problem brought home in November 1973 when Foreign Ministers met in Copenhagen as the 'Conference of Foreign Ministers' only to have to travel to Brussels in the afternoon for an EC Council meeting. Thereafter the Ministers were somewhat more flexible in their approach.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7285/1/Salmon.pdf
Salmon, Trevor C. (1991) "The Europeans, the EC and the Gulf: The Nature of the Response". In: UNSPECIFIED. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7285/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7301
2011-02-15T22:47:27Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Common, Collective or Combined Defence as the Path to European Security Integration"
Chilton, Patricia.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
[From the introduction]. The present state of European Union studies in the defence and security field reflects the dichotomy of the Cold War period --- a dichotomy between the study of the European Community/Union as a "civilian power" conveniently bracketed off from security considerations, and the study of European security in an international relations framework, which still fights shy of integration theory and largely disregards the European Union (EU) as an international actor....The CJTF initiative is used here as a case study to test the following theoretical claims: (a) that security integration follows economic and political integration (functionalist models), and (b) that sovereignty is indivisible-(realist models). The first claim returns to our original three questions. The second claim, being the substance of our fourth question, touches the core of both integration and security theory. New empirical work in this area examines CJTFs as an example of the asset-sharing arrangements which are now being made between the WEU and NAT0.16 This provides a key to reassessments of both integration and international relations theories. In this study, we shall first follow through the different dimensions in which security integration is taking place -- that is, in new multilateral peacekeeping arrangements; in the sharing of military assets; multinationality of forces; command and control arrangements; use of intelligence; and provisions for political control. Then we shall examine the implications of the CJTF mechanism both for European security structures, and for European policymaking. Finally, we shall discuss the theoretical implications of these new developments. The issues they raise will become central to the European debate as the EU approaches new security and geopolitical configurations.
1995
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7301/1/002970_1.pdf
Chilton, Patricia. (1995) "Common, Collective or Combined Defence as the Path to European Security Integration". In: UNSPECIFIED, Charleston, South Carolina. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7301/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7329
2011-02-15T22:47:37Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:443030313033394575726F7065616E636974697A656E73686970
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"State and Citizenship under Transformation in Western Europe"
Kaspersen, Lars Bo.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
European citizenship
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[From the introduction]. This paper discusses a classic topic in social and political theory: the emergence and development of the modern concept of citizenship. The paper aims to analyse the development and transformation of the citizenship in Western Europe (primarily the North West European EU-members) from the emergence of the modern nation-state until today. It concentrates on the period from the end of World War II until the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty i.e. the European Union (EU) - a period in which the traditional nation-state and the associated concept of citizenship have undergone some fundamental changes. Most often the discussions of the development and change of citizenship in Western Europe focus on economic, social, and/or (domestic) political aspects (Marshall 1950; Turner 1986, 1993; Hindess 1993; Meehan 1993; Barbalet 1993). This paper attaches, however, importance to the military and security dimension of the state in order to understand the modern concept of citizenship. The problem of defence is one of the most fundamental functions of the state and the importance of this aspect for the development of citizenship is too often ignored in the theoretical literature on citizenship.
1995
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7329/1/003023_1.pdf
Kaspersen, Lars Bo. (1995) "State and Citizenship under Transformation in Western Europe". In: UNSPECIFIED, Charleston, South Carolina. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7329/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7429
2017-12-14T16:19:57Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:443030316C61776C6567616C61666661697273
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303437
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Die Europaische Union und das Volkerrecht kultureller Vielfalt – Aspekte einer wunderbaren Freundschaft. = The European Union and the international law of cultural diversity - aspects of a wonderful friendship. EDAP 1/2007
von Bogdandy, Armin.
law & legal affairs-general (includes international law)
culture policy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
Cultural Diversity is an important topos in the European Union. It is part of the Union’s self–portrayal, can be found in diverse legal instruments, is the rationale behind numerous legal provisions. At the same time, the concern for cultural diversity gives reason for grave reservations towards the Union. This article intends to assist, on the basis of international law, in distinguishing appearance and reality. The Union will be analysed firstly as a situation of application of the international law of cultural diversity, secondly as regional executive of this international law, and thirdly as its global promoter. It shows that international law and Union law reinforce each other. The former conveys to the Union instruments to pursue European unification which at the same time serve its own implementation. Furthermore, it does not set limits to the European unity since it only protects cultural pluralism but not state–supporting identity, distinctiveness. A prerequisite for this consonance is that the Union’s constitutional law allows for political unity without cultural unity and that international law remains mute about important questions on European unification. From an international law perspective, the motto of the Union thus is more illusion than reality; however, the international law perspective does not fully exhaust the problem. The conformity with international law alone cannot dissipate the concern for the future of cultural diversity in the Union.
2007
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7429/1/2007_edap01.pdf
von Bogdandy, Armin. (2007) Die Europaische Union und das Volkerrecht kultureller Vielfalt – Aspekte einer wunderbaren Freundschaft. = The European Union and the international law of cultural diversity - aspects of a wonderful friendship. EDAP 1/2007. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/7429/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7882
2011-02-15T22:50:43Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
Understanding the European Union as a global political actor: Theory, practice, and impact
Ginsberg, Roy H.,
Smith, Michael E.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
[From the introduction]. The EU today is one of the most unusual and widest-ranging political actors in the international system. Since the 1950s, this capacity has gradually expanded to encompass foreign policy initiatives towards nearly every corner of the globe, using a range of foreign policy tools: diplomatic, economic, and now limited military operations. This capacity, however, was neither included in the original Treaty of Rome, nor was it expected by many knowledgeable observers of European integration. On both sides of the functional-intergovernmental spectrum we find skepticism about the EU’s prospects as a global actor: Ernst Haas (1961) explicitly excluded foreign and security policy from his neo-functional logic of regional integration, which stresses spillover processes in socio-economic affairs, while Stanley Hoffmann (2000) argued that political cooperation in the EU would remain very difficult owing to concerns over national sovereignty. Even after the Cold War, when the EU continued to expand its foreign policy cooperation, many observers (particularly those influenced by realism) made somewhat outlandish predictions that Germany would attempt to acquire nuclear weapons, that the EU (and even NATO) would deteriorate, and that the EU would never be able to organize its own security/defense cooperation (Mearsheimer 1991; Waltz 1993; Art 1996; Gordon 1997-98). Others with little or no experience with European integration studies, such as Robert Kagan (2003), argued that the EU has secured its own corner of the world through economic integration and it can now simply enjoy the fruits of its efforts while the U.S. continues to play the tough role of world policeman. Whether ignoring or belittling the EU as a global actor, these predictions turned out to be incorrect. While the EU certainly has had its share of difficulties, setbacks, and failures in the area of foreign policy, the same holds true of any other global actor, including the U.S. And in the face of such skepticism the EU has engaged in a continual process of institutional growth in this domain, produced regular foreign policy "outputs," and positively influenced various global problems. The EU’s shift in terminology from "external relations" to "foreign/security policy" since the 1990s also speaks volumes about the change in the EU members’ own understanding of, and preference for, the EU’s role in the world. Usage of the term "European foreign policy" (EFP), which is now becoming commonplace, denotes all of the global behaviors of the EU: the foreign economic policy and diplomacy of pillar one (the European Community or EC); the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) of pillar two, and the police cooperation and anti-crime/anti-terror work of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) in pillar three. This chapter analyzes EFP to better understand why the EU defied the predictions of many skeptics and grew into a true global political actor rather than remaining a regional economic power. Specifically, it examines two related strands of research into this topic: first, the gradual emergence of the EU’s institutional capacities in this realm despite their conspicuous absence in the Treaty of Rome; and second, the extent to which the EU actually influences non-member states and other actors, thus helping to narrow the so-called "capability-expectations gap" in EFP posited by Christopher Hill (1993). We are particularly interested in how historical institutionalist theory sheds light on the growth of EFP as a process of increasingly coherent and centralized – though not necessarily supranational – international cooperation, involving both EU member states and EU institutional actors (chiefly the Commission). Institutional theory is also helpful in illuminating why and how EU member states have exploited economics and politics of scale in the conduct of their foreign/security policies under conditions of regional interdependence, globalization, and transatlantic competition.
2007
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7882/1/ginsberg%2Dr%2D07a.pdf
Ginsberg, Roy H., and Smith, Michael E. (2007) Understanding the European Union as a global political actor: Theory, practice, and impact. In: UNSPECIFIED, Montreal, Canada. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7882/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8174
2011-02-15T22:52:37Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136:4430303230313645617374536F7574686561737441736961
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030324575726F7065616E4E65696768626F7572686F6F64506F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
European Security Integration: Lessons for East Asia? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7, No. 7, April 2007
Weber, Katja.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
East and Southeast Asia
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
European Neighbourhood Policy
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[From the introduction]. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relevance of the European integration experience for East Asia's future security architecture. Or, put differently, the study asks what the European experience can tell us about future East Asian security institutions. Tracing European cooperative efforts from the early post-World War II days to recent attempts of stabilizing the neighborhood via a European Neighborhood Policy, the paper argues that the process of European security integration provides useful lessons that can inform a similar process in East Asia. Given that there are significant differences between post-1945 Europe and 21st century East Asia--including the U.S.'s promotion of regional institutions in Europe versus bilateral alliances in East Asia (Hemmer and Katzenstein 2002); more or less equal power capabilities in Europe versus the huge power asymmetry with respect to China in Asia; a fairly homogeneous European culture versus a heterogeneous Asian culture; largely traditional security threats in Cold War Europe versus a whole range of non-traditional security threats in East Asia, etc.--the East Asians are unlikely to copy the exact same steps taken by the Europeans to improve their security, i.e., one model does not fit all. Nor does the promotion of stability/peace-building have to be unidirectional--economic cooperation, for instance, does not necessarily have to precede security cooperation. Since history--due to Japan's troubled past with its neighbors, and the creation of two Koreas and two Chinas--is still a "neuralgic point in East Asia" (Berger, 2006: 3), it is argued that Japanese, Koreans and Chinese can be expected to develop a distinct path to stabilize the region. And yet, considering the multi-faceted nature of security threats, the main ingredient of the European success strategy, namely the institutionalization of trust on multiple levels, and hence the creation of a complex web of governance (Hooghe and Marks 2003), is likely to be emulated in the long run.
2007-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8174/1/Weber_EuroSecEasia_long07_edi.pdf
Weber, Katja. (2007) European Security Integration: Lessons for East Asia? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7, No. 7, April 2007. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8174/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9291
2011-02-15T23:00:09Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303036
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
National Role Conceptions and Foreign Policies: France and Germany Compared. CES Germany & Europe Working Paper no. 02.4, 2002
Krotz, Ulrich.
France
Germany
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
In spite of domestic and international political changes, French and German foreign policies have displayed high degrees of continuity between the late 1950s and the mid-1990s. Over the same time period, the directions of the two states’ foreign policies have also continued to differ from each other. Why do states similar in many respects often part ways in what they want and do? This article argues that the French and German national role conceptions (NRCs) account for both of these continuities. NRCs are domestically shared understandings regarding the proper role and purpose of one’s own state as a social collectivity in the international arena. As internal reference systems, they affect national interests and foreign policies. This article reestablishes the NRC concept, empirically codes it for France and Germany for the time period under consideration, and demonstrates comparatively how different NRCs lead to varying interests and policies across the major policy areas in security, defense, and armament.
2002
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9291/1/Krotz.pdf
Krotz, Ulrich. (2002) National Role Conceptions and Foreign Policies: France and Germany Compared. CES Germany & Europe Working Paper no. 02.4, 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/9291/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9302
2011-02-15T23:00:14Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303036
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
De Gaulle and European integration: historical revision and social science theory. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, no.8.5, May 2008
Moravcsik, Andrew.
France
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
The thousands of books and articles on Charles de Gaulle’s policy toward European integration, whether written by historians, political scientists, or commentators, universally accord primary explanatory importance to the General’s distinctive geopolitical ideology. In explaining his motivations, only secondary significance, if any at all, is attached to commercial considerations. This paper seeks to reverse this historiographical consensus by the four major decisions toward European integration taken under de Gaulle’s Presidency: the decisions to remain in the Common Market in 1958, to propose the Fouchet Plan in the early 1960s, to veto British accession to the EC, and to provoke the “empty chair” crisis in 1965-1966, resulting in “Luxembourg Compromise.” In each case, the overwhelming bulk of the primary evidence— speeches, memoirs, or government documents—suggests that de Gaulle’s primary motivation was economic, not geopolitical or ideological. Like his predecessors and successors, de Gaulle sought to promote French industry and agriculture by establishing protected markets for their export products. This empirical finding has three broader implications: (1) For those interested in the European Union, it suggests that regional integration has been driven primarily by economic, not geopolitical considerations—even in the “least likely” case. (2) For those interested in the role of ideas in foreign policy, it suggests that strong interest groups in a democracy limit the impact of a leader’s geopolitical ideology—even where the executive has very broad institutional autonomy. De Gaulle was a democratic statesman first and an ideological visionary second. (3) For those who employ qualitative case-study methods, it suggests that even a broad, representative sample of secondary sources does not create a firm basis for causal inference. For political scientists, as for historians, there is in many cases no reliable alternative to primarysource research.
1998
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9302/1/DeGaulleMorav.pdf
Moravcsik, Andrew. (1998) De Gaulle and European integration: historical revision and social science theory. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, no.8.5, May 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/9302/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:13910
2011-02-15T23:30:00Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D46:46303237
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D61727469636C65
"Europe 1989-2009: Rethinking the Break-up of Yugoslavia"
Radeljic, Branislav
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Yugoslavia (former)
conflict resolution/crisis management
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
The collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has encouraged proliferation of academic literature. This paper examines Western scholarship and, while broadly dividing factors that contributed to the state disintegration into two main categories (internal and external), questions what is yet to be analyzed in order to get a clearer picture about the Yugoslav drama. In this respect, the paper perceives non-state actors as important players capable of influencing decision-making processes. Thus, deeper understanding of activism perpetrated by diaspora groups, media and churches would be a valuable contribution to the existing scholarship.
2010
Article
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/13910/1/Radeljic%2C_B.%2C_Rethinking_the_Breakup_of_YU_(European_Studies).pdf
Radeljic, Branislav (2010) "Europe 1989-2009: Rethinking the Break-up of Yugoslavia". European Studies, Vol. 9 (No. 1). pp. 115-127.
http://aei.pitt.edu/13910/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32322
2011-09-13T14:33:36Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D45:45303131
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:4C6973626F6E547265617479
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Death of an institution: the end for Western European Union, a future for European defence? Egmont Paper No. 46, May 2011
Bailes, Alyson JK
Messervy-Whiting, Graham
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
NATO
WEU
Lisbon Treaty
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
Executive summary. On 31 March 2010 the ten Member States of Western European Union (WEU) announced that the last organs, staffs and activities of that institution would be laid to rest by 30 June 2011. Having resiled from the Modified Brussels Treaty (MBT) of 1954 which created WEU as a successor to the Western Union of 1948, these nations are now working to dispose of the staff, premises and archives at WEU’s Brussels offices and its Parliamentary Assembly in Paris. Little public interest has been shown in these moves, perhaps because WEU’s operational and political work had already been taken over by the European Union (EU), in the frame of its new European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), at the end of 1999.
Why get rid of WEU’s last vestiges precisely now? This study addresses the question, and seeks to assess WEU’s achievements and legacies by reviewing its 57-year career from cradle to grave. Modest though WEU’s own role may have been, it has been intimately linked with one of the great policy challenges of the post-war world: the search for a distinct and effective form of ‘European defence’.
The original Brussels Treaty of 1948, creating a permanent guaranteed defence relationship between the UK, France and the Benelux countries, was a vital step towards the realization of the North Atlantic Alliance. When the attempt to create an even more deeply integrated European Defence Community including Germany broke down in 1954, WEU was created as a self-confessed pis aller. Its treaty, the MBT, still contained absolute mutual guarantees but from the start WEU left the operative work of defence to NATO. It fulfilled useful tasks in cementing the post-war order, but then sank into slumber until the mid-1980s. When first reawakened, it became a talking-shop for a core group of West Europeans, helping them cope with the trans-Atlantic strains of the time and developing some sense of Europe’s shared and distinct security interests.
During the 1990s, WEU had to reinvent itself in face of demands for post-Cold War enlargement and new-style crisis management operations. It was further steered by the evolving needs of the EU and NATO, for whom it came to serve as intermediary. Its low profile and flexibility let it bring the enlargement candidates and European non-Allies, as well as non-EU members of NATO, closely into its work from an early date. It invented a definition (‘Petersberg formula’) for crisis management tasks that could realistically be carried out by Europeans alone; and it built intricate partnerships with both NATO and the EU that in theory allowed NATO’s military assets to be borrowed for missions under an EU political lead. However, the only operations actually launched under a WEU flag were loosely coordinated naval ones, and police and other civilian actions. WEU never enjoyed the political status or trust in capitals to be seriously considered for more demanding military tasks, even when European coalitions were in the lead.
Frustration with this situation, and with the weak show made by European capabilities under a NATO flag, drove Britain and France in 1998 to propose giving the EU its own military arm. The formula adopted for this in Helsinki at end-1999 limited EU actions to the ‘Petersberg’ crisis management and humanitarian spectrum, thus avoiding a direct clash with NATO and allowing the EU’s non-Allied members to participate fully. The non-EU European Allies, however, lost status compared with WEU and this led to Turkish blocking tactics for the first years of ESDP, delaying the first ESDP operations (in Former Yugoslavia) to 2003. Nevertheless the bulk of WEU’s functions were transferred to EU equivalents, leaving a residual secretariat to guard the MBT. The WEU Institute for Security Studies and Satellite Centre became EU agencies and a few years later, the two WEU-linked armament cooperation bodies WEAG and WEAO were superseded by the EU’s European Defence Agency.
Economy-minded nations were pondering a final close-down of WEU as early as 2004, but the decisive move came in February 2010 following entry into force of the EU’s Lisbon Treaty. This text contains (Article 42.7) a pledge by all 27 EU members to assist each other against military attack, but – contrasting with the MBT’s clarity – the language is heavily qualified by references to NATO’s primacy and respect for the non-Allies’ status. Prompted by the UK with arguments for cost-saving, the WEU powers nevertheless agreed in March 2010 that this development made the MBT redundant. Behind their decision seems to lie an acceptance that the European defence idea can be pushed no further in the EU framework, at least for the foreseeable future. NATO still plays the beau rôle in ‘hard’ peace missions as well as territorial defence, and commands more attention even from the French military than a European Union handicapped by German (and other) misgivings. The Franco-British defence treaty of November 2010 signals a certain impatience with all institutional constraints, as well as the severity of post-2008 budget pressures.
An initial post mortem on WEU’s achievements could give credit for its role in early post-war consolidation; for its political services both to a European security identity and to trans-Atlantic harmony from the 80s onwards; and its help in cementing common approaches especially to crisis management missions across the wider Europe. Its ‘Petersberg’ formula has stood the test of time and remains at the heart of EU Treaty provisions on practical defence cooperation. The WEU Institute and Satcen have discovered wider horizons under EU ownership, while WEAO in particular showed a way forward in the still problematic field of defence industrial collaboration. In the military and operational sphere WEU’s acquis was drawn upon extensively and usefully, where appropriate, during ESDP’s formative period, though for obvious reasons this was not highlighted at the time. This acquis included planning in the operational, logistic, command and control, communications and force generation fields; the construction of intelligence and situational awareness capabilities; the design of crisis management, exercise and training procedures; and the experience of mounting the first (modest) Petersberg-style operation – MAPE in Albania.
The EU has proved unable to absorb, let alone improve upon, three things from WEU’s legacy: the true collective defence guarantees of the MBT, the openness to Turkey and other non-EU Allies, and the maintenance of a specialized parliamentary assembly for defence and security (which will be replaced, at best, by a much weaker inter-parliamentary network). In all other respects European defence and security cooperation has clearly fared much better under the EU’s wing than it ever could in WEU, producing more than 20 actual crisis operations for a start. If the EU now finds itself unable to move further, there are at least two possible hopeful readings of the post-WEU situation. One is that the EU and its members will be spurred to greater and more integrated defence efforts by some future set of challenges, distinct from 20th-century territorial warfare. The other reading is that the EU’s nature, values, longer-term survival and true security potential are better served without a ‘hard’ military personality. The kind of European defence that WEU and its Treaty stood for has proved elusive after nearly 60 years of effort: could it also be, in the final analysis, unnecessary and undesirable?
2011-05
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32322/1/ep46.pdf
http://www.egmontinstitute.be/paperegm/ep46.pdf
Bailes, Alyson JK and Messervy-Whiting, Graham (2011) Death of an institution: the end for Western European Union, a future for European defence? Egmont Paper No. 46, May 2011. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/32322/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32337
2011-09-13T16:40:30Z
7374617475733D707562
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Brasil como potencia emergente y su impacto sobre el concepto de 'Potencia Civil Europea': una evaluacion preliminar. = Brazil as an emergent power and its impact on the concept of European civil power: a preliminary evaluation. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 11, No. 2, June 2011
Stavridis, Stelios
Hoffmann, Aline
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-Middle East
EU-Latin America
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
The academic literature on European foreign policy is very broad. particularly There is a concept that has been applied to the European Union since the beginning of their cooperation in foreign policy in the 1970s: European civil power. The emergence of Brazil as regional and global power has opened a new area of interest to analysts Relations
International. But so far no study on the impact of diplomacy Brazil on the concept of European civil power, that is how the new orientation of the Lula has affected the Common Foreign and Security and Defence Union
specific subjects such as Latin America (relations with Cuba and Honduras), or neighborhood and beyond (Turkey, Middle East / Iran and Libya). This paper links these
two dimensions to better understand both the European and the foreign policy of Brazil.
2011-06
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32337/1/StavridisHofmanBrazil2011edi.pdf
http://www6.miami.edu/eucenter/
Stavridis, Stelios and Hoffmann, Aline (2011) Brasil como potencia emergente y su impacto sobre el concepto de 'Potencia Civil Europea': una evaluacion preliminar. = Brazil as an emergent power and its impact on the concept of European civil power: a preliminary evaluation. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 11, No. 2, June 2011. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/32337/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32453
2011-09-18T20:58:17Z
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Regional integration fifty years after the treaty of Rome. The EU, Asia, Africa and the Americas.
Boening, Astrid B
Domínguez, Roberto
Genna, Gaspare M.
Gómez-Mera, Laura
Barbarinde, Olufemi
Grenade, Wendy
de Oliveira, Marcos Aurelio Guedes
Kanner, Aimee
Roy, Roy
Thiel, Markus
Weber, Katja
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-Mediterranean/Union for the Mediterranean
EU-US
EU-Asia-general
EU-ACP
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
founding Treaties
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
international trade
The European Union has been the pioneer and undisputed
leader of regional integration processes. Since its inception in
the 1950s, following the Schuman Declaration that set in motion
Jean Monnet’s innovative idea to join together European coal
and steel industries, Europe has offered a useful model for
regional integration. Strengthened by the 1957 Treaty of Rome
(exactly half a century ago), this bold entity was later transformed
into the European Union by the Maastricht Treaty.
Having successfully accomplished its primary goal (“to make
war unthinkable and materially impossible”), the EU is currently
facing challenges associated with its expansion and the deepening
of its pooled sovereignty. On the other hand, the effects
of the EU in international relations are of paramount relevance.
While the forceful transposition of national and regional structures
into other regions is a historical error, the essence of the
EU as a model to be adapted by other regions is a viable
approach to enhance stability and welfare. In this regard, this
volume examines the current challenges of the EU and the perspectives
of regional integration in Africa, Asia and Latin
America.
Miami-Florida European Union Center of Excellence
Roy, Joaquin.
Dominguez, Roberto.
2008
Book
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32453/1/Fifty_years%2Dtext%2Bcover.pdf
http://www6.miami.edu/eucenter/
Boening, Astrid B and Domínguez, Roberto and Genna, Gaspare M. and Gómez-Mera, Laura and Barbarinde, Olufemi and Grenade, Wendy and de Oliveira, Marcos Aurelio Guedes and Kanner, Aimee and Roy, Roy and Thiel, Markus and Weber, Katja (2008) Regional integration fifty years after the treaty of Rome. The EU, Asia, Africa and the Americas. Miami-Florida European Union Center of Excellence, Miami, FL. ISBN 159388320
http://aei.pitt.edu/32453/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32455
2014-01-15T20:31:57Z
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Spain in the European Union: the first twenty-five years (1986-2011)
Almunia, Joaquín
Barón-Crespo, Enrique
Sío-López, Cristina Blanco
González Enríquez, Carmen
Granell, Francesc
Hosoda, Haruko
Hussain, Imtiaz
Lorca-Susino, María
Moreno, Luis
Mullerat, Ramón
Palacio, Vicente
Piedrafita, Sonia
Powell, Charles
Roy, Joaquín
Royo, Sebastián
Torreblanca, Jose Ignacio
Vilà-Costa, Blanca
Camiñas-Muiña, Alfonso
law & legal affairs-general (includes international law)
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-US
EU-Latin America
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
enlargement
European Parliament
NATO
Portugal
Spain
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
welfare state
immigration policy
“Spain is the problem. Europe is the solution”. In this fashion Ortega y Gasset once dramatized the need to “Europeanize” Spain. The results over the first
twenty five years of EU membership have been truly impressive. When Spain became a member of the EC, some of the best and brightest of Spain’s governmental cadres and universities joined the expanded European institutions, taking on positions of responsibility. The most prominent chaired the European Court of Justice (Gil-Carlos Rodríguez Iglesias) and the Parliament (Enrique Barón, José-María Gil Robles, and Josep Borrell), holding key positions in the Commission, and filling the newly created position of High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (Javier Solana).
Spain, in sum, “was not different”, contrary to what old-fashion tourist publicity for the country used to say. It was a European country like any other that was returning to its natural home after a long exile. Spain, in turn, received considerable benefits from EU membership through funds for regional investment policies, agriculture and rural development, and the modernisation of national infrastructure. From an index of 60 percent of the European average in 1986, today Spain’s income per head is in the range of 105 percent, with some regions surpassing 125 percent. From being a country that was a net receiver from the EU budget, Spain today is a net contributor.
Reflecting this development, the present volume examines different dimensions of the deepening relationship between Spain and the rest of Europe through membership of the EU (its history, and its impact on policy development on economic growth and on relations with third countries).
Miami-Florida European Center/Jean Monnet Chair
Roy, Joaquin.
Dominguez, Roberto.
Camiñas-Muiña, Alfonso
2011
Book
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32455/1/SPAIN%2DEU%2D25%2DallPDF.pdf
http://www6.miami.edu/eucenter/
Almunia, Joaquín and Barón-Crespo, Enrique and Sío-López, Cristina Blanco and González Enríquez, Carmen and Granell, Francesc and Hosoda, Haruko and Hussain, Imtiaz and Lorca-Susino, María and Moreno, Luis and Mullerat, Ramón and Palacio, Vicente and Piedrafita, Sonia and Powell, Charles and Roy, Joaquín and Royo, Sebastián and Torreblanca, Jose Ignacio and Vilà-Costa, Blanca and Camiñas-Muiña, Alfonso (2011) Spain in the European Union: the first twenty-five years (1986-2011). Miami-Florida European Center/Jean Monnet Chair, Miami, FL. ISBN 9781450768603
http://aei.pitt.edu/32455/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32581
2011-12-30T20:01:56Z
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The European Constitution in the Making. CEPS Paperback. May 2004
Kiljunen, Kimmo
Constitution for Europe
European citizenship
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
European Convention
Charter of Fundamental Rights
Finland
Sweden
decision making/policy-making
general
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
democracy/democratic deficit
governance: EU & national level
subnational/regional/territorial
Late in 2001, the European heads of government established a Convention to explore the possibilities to make the European Union more democratic, more transparent and more efficient. Little could they have foreseen that the Convention would decide to fundamentally overhaul the existing European treaties and to replace them by an EU Constitution.
Kimmo Kiljunen represented the Finnish Parliament in the Convention. In this book he relates his experiences as a ‘conventionnel’ and explains the proposals of the Convention and how and why they came to be agreed. Drawing on his deep personal involvement in the whole process, Kiljunen presents a systematic overview of the draft EU Constitution combined with an insider’s account of the critical junctures in the work of the Convention.
Kiljunen’s chronicle reflects a strong commitment to the European challenge and a keen appreciation of the imperative that the EU Constitution eventually receives the support of the European publics. For this reason, it will be of particular value in informing the rounds of popular debate that will be occasioned by the ratification procedures in the member states. Written in a clear and accessible style, the book will remain a useful reference source for understanding the history of European integration and the EU Constitution.
2004-05
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32581/1/20._EU_Constitution.pdf
http://www.ceps.be/book/eu-constitution
Kiljunen, Kimmo (2004) The European Constitution in the Making. CEPS Paperback. May 2004. Series > Centre for European Policy Studies (Brussels) > CEPS Paperbacks <http://aei.pitt.edu/view/series/SMCEPSPaperbacks.html> . UNSPECIFIED. ISBN 9290794933
http://aei.pitt.edu/32581/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:32655
2011-11-25T13:14:13Z
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The Ever-Changing Union: An Introduction to the History, Institutions and Decision-making Processes of the European Union. 2nd Revised Edition. CEPS Paperbacks. April 2011
Egenhofer, Christian
Kurpas, Sebastian
Kaczyński, Piotr Maciej
Van Schaik, Louise
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
Council of Ministers
European Commission
European Council
European Court of Justice/Court of First Instance
European Parliament
Lisbon Treaty
budgets & financing
EMU/EMS/euro
decision making/policy-making
general
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
lobbying/interest representation
democracy/democratic deficit
political union & integration/European Political Union
This fully revised, second edition of the Ever-Changing Union provides a concise overview of the EU’s history, institutional structures and decision-making processes. It looks at the fundamental principles of European integration and describes the progress of this integration from its beginning. It also covers the EU’s main institutions and how they interact in the decision-making process as a whole. This new edition focuses on the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty and explains how the EU’s external action is conducted by the post-Lisbon EU. Other additions to this second edition are new sections on the EU budget, the euro and its governance, lobbying and interest representation.
This book is written for those with an initial or occasional interest in European policies and politics. More particularly, the authors believe it will be useful for civil servants, diplomats, business and NGO representatives, as well as students and scholars who encounter the EU in their work.
2011-04
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/32655/1/78._Ever%2DChanging_Union.pdf
http://www.ceps.eu/book/ever-changing-union-introduction-history-institutions-and-decision-making-processes-european-un
Egenhofer, Christian and Kurpas, Sebastian and Kaczyński, Piotr Maciej and Van Schaik, Louise (2011) The Ever-Changing Union: An Introduction to the History, Institutions and Decision-making Processes of the European Union. 2nd Revised Edition. CEPS Paperbacks. April 2011. Series > Centre for European Policy Studies (Brussels) > CEPS Paperbacks <http://aei.pitt.edu/view/series/SMCEPSPaperbacks.html> . UNSPECIFIED. ISBN 9789290799801
http://aei.pitt.edu/32655/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:33138
2012-08-19T20:44:10Z
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The European Union and the United States: Studying Competition, Convergence and the EU’s Role(s) in the World Arena
Smith, Michael H.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-US
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
Central to the EU’s ‘actorness’ in the world arena is the relationship with the United States. This paper explores the ways in which it is possible to conceptualise EU-US relations within a changing world arena, and relates them to scholarship on EU-US relations since the end of the Cold War, with the aim of exploring the EU’s changing role(s) in transatlantic relations. The paper begins by exploring the changing EU-US policy agenda, identifying issues of scope and scale in the management of that agenda and relating these to the changing analytical agenda for the study of EU-US relations. It then proceeds to identify a number of ways in which the EU-US system of relations can be characterised: as a historically shaped set of structures and norms, as a combination of markets, hierarchies and networks, as a form of incomplete multi-level governance, and as an uneasy blend of bilateralism, multilateralism and ‘bi-multilateralism’. These qualities help us to account for the expansion and diversification of the ways in which EU-US ‘encounters’ have shaped both the EU-US system and the broader global arena since the end of the Cold War. Not least, they help us to think about the implications of EU-US relations for ‘European foreign policy’ and the potential roles played by the EU, both in relation to US foreign policy and more broadly in the world arena. The final part of the paper discusses key elements in the EU’s establishment of roles within the changing EU-US system, identifies four key roles for the EU (subaltern, sub-contractor, substitute and subversive) and evaluates the ways in which these might develop in the next decade.
2009
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/33138/1/smith._michael_h..pdf
http://www.euce.org/eusa2009/papers.php
Smith, Michael H. (2009) The European Union and the United States: Studying Competition, Convergence and the EU’s Role(s) in the World Arena. In: UNSPECIFIED. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/33138/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:33159
2012-05-12T21:05:00Z
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The ASEAN Regional Forum and Security Governance in Asia-Pacific
Weber, Katja
EU-ASEAN
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
This paper sketches security provisions in Asia-Pacific following World War II and takes
a look at ASEAN to set the stage for a closer examination of the ASEAN Regional
Forum (ARF). Having discussed the rationale for the creation of the ARF, its
institutional framework, fundamental principles, and decision-making, the paper then
examines the organization’s main developments with respect to four security functions
(prevention, assurance, protection and compellence) developed by Kirchner and Sperling
(2007), and assesses the ARF’s effectiveness and future prospects.
2009
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/33159/1/weber._katja.pdf
http://www.euce.org/eusa2009/papers.php
Weber, Katja (2009) The ASEAN Regional Forum and Security Governance in Asia-Pacific. In: UNSPECIFIED. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/33159/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:39272
2013-01-21T21:37:33Z
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7375626A656374733D45:45303130
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1 + 1 = 3? EU-US voting cohesion in the United Nations General Assembly. EU Diplomacy Paper 07/2012, September 2012
Lucas, Kirsten
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-US
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
human rights & democracy initiatives
UN
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
This paper investigates the factors that explain the voting cohesion of the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) on foreign policy issues in the United Nations
General Assembly (UNGA). It is often argued that the EU and the US are simply too different to cooperate within international organizations and thus to vote the same
way, for example, in the UNGA. However, there is still a lack of research on this point and, more importantly, previous studies have not analyzed which factors explain EU-US voting cohesion. In this paper, I try to fill this gap by studying voting cohesion from 1980 until 2011 on issues of both ‘high’ politics (security) and ‘low’ politics (human
rights) not only as regards EU-US voting cohesion, but also concerning voting cohesion among EU member states. I test six hypotheses derived from International Relations theories, and I argue that EU-US voting cohesion is best explained by the topic of the issue voted upon, whether an issue is marked as ‘important’ by the US government, and by the type of resolution. On the EU level, the length of Union
membership and transaction costs matter most.
2012-09
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/39272/1/edp_7_2012_lucas.pdf
http://www.coleurope.eu/sites/default/files/research-paper/edp_7_2012_lucas.pdf
Lucas, Kirsten (2012) 1 + 1 = 3? EU-US voting cohesion in the United Nations General Assembly. EU Diplomacy Paper 07/2012, September 2012. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/39272/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:59042
2015-01-08T14:05:54Z
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Supporting the Revolution: America, Democracy, and the End of the Cold War in Poland, 1981-1989. ACES Working Paper (Report) No. 8, 2007
Domber, Gregory F.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
Poland
Early on the morning of December 13, 1981, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the leader of the communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), declared martial law, ending the so-called "Polish Crisis," which began with the creation of the Independent Free Trade Union "Solidamosc" in August 1980. Over the next eight years, the Communist government and the opposition struggled over power, culminating in 1989 with the creation of a Solidamosc-led government which ended fifty years of Communist rule in Poland and led the way to further democratic revolutions throughout Eastern Europe. The purpose of this dissertation is to utilize newly available and underutilized archival sources as well as oral history interviews, from both international and American perspectives, to fully chronicle American policy toward Poland from the declaration of martial law until the creation of the Solidarnosc government.
Rather than explaining Polish-American relations in bilateral terms, the dissertation illuminates the complex web of influences that determined American policy in Washington and affected its implementation within Poland. This includes descriptions of internal tensions within the Reagan administration, differences between American decisions in Washington and implementation in Warsaw, lobbying from Polish-American groups, clashes between Capitol Hill and the White House, coordination with American labor organizations to support Solidarnosc, disagreements with West European allies in NATO and international financial organizations, cooperation with the Vatican and the Polish Catholic Church, synchronization with American humanitarian organizations working in Poland, limitations caused by the realities of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, and complications caused by domestic Polish concerns. By taking a broad view of American policy and highlighting internal Polish decisions, with both the Communist government and the democratic opposition, the dissertation provides concrete examples of America's role in Poland's transformation, arguing, however, that this role was very limited. These conclusions are relevant to arguments about the end of the Cold War, the nature of American power, as well as current discussions about possibilities to promote democracy within hostile regimes.
2008-01
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/59042/1/ACESWP_Domber_2007.pdf
Domber, Gregory F. (2008) Supporting the Revolution: America, Democracy, and the End of the Cold War in Poland, 1981-1989. ACES Working Paper (Report) No. 8, 2007. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/59042/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:60819
2015-02-12T17:31:26Z
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American Attitudes on European Political
Integration — The Nixon-Kissinger Legacy. IES WORKING PAPER 2/2007
Devuyst, Youri
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-US
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
This paper concentrates on the Nixon-Kissinger view of European political integration. In
contrast with the mainstream position of the American Administrations during the 1950s
and 1960s, Kissinger was convinced that by encouraging European unity, the United States
was in fact creating its own rival. The start of a new system of European foreign policy
cooperation in 1970 was seen by Kissinger as a particularly important example of Europe’s
attempt to challenge the American hegemony. Kissinger emphasized the need to maintain
Western Europe in a subordinate role. Three main lines of action were pursued to keep the
development of the European Community under control: maintaining bilateral contacts
with key European allies, requesting a seat at the Community's decision-making table, and
linking "obedient" European behavior to American military presence in Europe. The legacy
of this policy still seems to influence the current American policy on the European Union.
The Nixon-Kissinger term was, however, detrimental to rather than conducive of
harmonious transatlantic relations. Tendencies to emulate it should therefore be
discouraged.
2007-02
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/60819/1/2007.2.pdf
http://www.ies.be/working-paper/american-attitudes-european-political-integration
Devuyst, Youri (2007) American Attitudes on European Political Integration — The Nixon-Kissinger Legacy. IES WORKING PAPER 2/2007. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/60819/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:63712
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National Role Conceptions and Foreign Policies: France and Germany Compared. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 02.4, 2002
Krotz, Ulrich
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
France
Germany
In spite of domestic and international political changes, French and German foreign policies have displayed high degrees of continuity between the late 1950s and the mid-1990s. Over the same time period, the directions of the two states’ foreign policies have also continued to differ from each other. Why do states similar in many respects often part ways in what they want and do? This article argues that the French and German national role conceptions (NRCs) account for both of these continuities. NRCs are domestically shared understandings regarding the proper role and purpose of one’s own state as a social collectivity in the international arena. As internal reference systems, they affect national interests and foreign policies. This article reestablishes the NRC concept, empirically codes it for France and Germany for the time period under consideration, and demonstrates comparatively how different NRCs lead to varying interests and policies across the major policy areas in security, defense, and armament.
2002
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/63712/1/PSGE_02_1.pdf
https://ces.fas.harvard.edu/#/publications/working_papers/78
Krotz, Ulrich (2002) National Role Conceptions and Foreign Policies: France and Germany Compared. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 02.4, 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/63712/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:68595
2015-10-16T19:27:36Z
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Europe in the 1980s. Speech by the Rt. Hon. Lord Carrington, KCMG, MC Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, to the Foreign Policy Association at the Sheraton Centre, New York, 23 September 1981
Carrington, Peter.
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
political union & integration/European Political Union
No abstract.
1981
Other
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/68595/1/MAT0024.pdf
Carrington, Peter. (1981) Europe in the 1980s. Speech by the Rt. Hon. Lord Carrington, KCMG, MC Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, to the Foreign Policy Association at the Sheraton Centre, New York, 23 September 1981. UNSPECIFIED.
http://aei.pitt.edu/68595/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:73837
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International Conciliation, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. COMECON, No. 549, September 1964
Korbonski, Andrzej
EU-Central and Eastern Europe
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
The Council of Mutual Economic Assistance is the least known
of all the regional organizations. This is attributable partly to
the fact that it was largely dormant from its inception in 1949
until the late 1950s and partly to the scattered and fragmentary
nature of information on its activities. The present article is an
attempt to bring available knowledge into focus for a coherent
pioture of the organization that "will probably play an increasing
role in the economic development of East Central Europe."
COMECON is of interest not only because of its importance
as one of the regional bodies shaping a network of relations
among European countries. Its interest lies also in the light it
throws on the particular problems faced by centrally planned
economies when they try to integrate and in its demonstration
that international organizations have a life of their own.
1964
EU Related
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/73837/1/DODGE001.pdf
Korbonski, Andrzej (1964) International Conciliation, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. COMECON, No. 549, September 1964. [EU Related]
http://aei.pitt.edu/73837/