2024-03-29T09:34:53Zhttp://aei.pitt.edu/cgi/oai2
oai:aei.pitt.edu:208
2011-02-15T22:14:58Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Regionalbildungsansätze in Lateinamerika und ihr Vergleich mit der Europäischen Union = Principles of Regional Integration in Latin America in Comparison to the European Union. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 73
Vera-Fluixa, Ramiro Xavier
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[From the Introduction]. Ebenso wie sich Verbindungen in der Geschichte Lateinamerikas und Europas beobachten lassen, ist es möglich, Verbindungen und wechselseitige Einflüsse in der Evolution der regionalen Integrationsprozesse Lateinamerikas und Europas, in deren Prämissen und Mechanismen festzustellen. Versuchte man, die Evolution von regionalen Integrationsprozessen anhand einer Linie darzustellen, würden die Integrationslinien von Europa und Lateinamerika – und dies seit seinen Anfängen – konstante Verschränkungen gemeinsamer Charakteristiken und Intervalle wechselseitiger Einflüsse bekunden, gefolgt von ständigen Entfremdungen und Abweichungen sowie von einem parallelen Verlaufen, um dann wieder auf einen gemeinsamen Begegnungspunkt zurückzukehren. Es insofern nicht zufällig, daß die ersten Vorstellungen einer kontinentalen Integration Lateinamerikas zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts als Reaktion auf die Schwäche der kolonialen Mächte der iberischen Halbinsel auftraten; oder auch daß der Panamerikanismus am Ende des 19. und Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts als hemisphärische Sicherheitsgarantie gegenüber den politischen Ereignissen in Europa aus der Taufe gehoben wurde; oder daß der europäische Integrationsprozeß, dessen institutionelle Strukturen und rechtliches Regelwerk alternative Organisationsmodelle der Regionalbildung in Lateinamerika (z.B. Andenparlament und Europäisches Parlament) begründeten. Aktion in Europa und Reaktion in Lateinamerika sind insofern zwei kontinuierlich feststellbare Phänomene. Dennoch verzeichnen die unterschiedlichen geographisch-kulturellen Charakteristika sowie die unterschiedliche politische Evolution beider Kontinente – u.a. Unabhängigkeitswelle in Lateinamerika, Weltkriege in Europa – deutliche Differenzen in den politischen Ausgangsbedingungen, den Instrumenten und Mechanismen regionaler Integration.
2000
Discussion Paper
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/208/1/dp_c73_vera.pdf
Vera-Fluixa, Ramiro Xavier (2000) Regionalbildungsansätze in Lateinamerika und ihr Vergleich mit der Europäischen Union = Principles of Regional Integration in Latin America in Comparison to the European Union. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 73. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/208/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:322
2011-02-15T22:15:11Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Principios de Integración Regional en América Latina y su análisis comparativo con la Unión Europea = Principles of regional integration in Latin America in comparison to the European Union. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 73
Vera-Fluixa, Ramiro Xavier
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
Al igual que los lazos comunes existentes en la historia de América Latina y Europa1, es posible observar lazos comunes, nexos, influencias y determinantes mutuas en la evolución misma de ambos procesos de integración regional, de sus principios y mecanismos. En efecto, si fuese tan fácil representar el fenómeno de la integración regional a través de una línea, las líneas de la integración de Europa y de América Latina atestiguarían, inclusive desde sus comienzos, un constante entrecruzamiento de características comunes, intervalos de influencias mutuas, seguidos contínuamente de alejamientos y desviaciones, del correr paralelo, para volver a confluir en un nuevo punto de encuentro. De tal modo, no es casual que los primeros idearios de integración continental de América Latina a principios del siglo XIX surjan como reacción a la posibilidad única dada por el debilitamiento de la península ibérica y sus potencias colonizadoras; o que el Panamericanismo de fines del siglo XIX y comienzos de siglo XX reaccione como garantía hemisférica ante los sucesos políticos europeos; o, mucho más tarde ya, que el proceso de integración europea, sus estructuras institucionales y ordenamientos jurídicos constituyan modelos alternativos de organización regional en América Latina (Parlamento Andino y Parlamento Europeo, por ej.). Acción en Europa y reacción en América Latina son así dos fenómenos contínuamente constatables – como así también las características comunes que surgen de dicha influencia. No obstante, la distinta evolución política de ambas regiones – considerando inicialmente la ola independentista en Latinoamérica, o más tarde, las Guerras Mundiales en Europa– y las características geográficoculturales propias de cada continente, marcan claras diferencias en cuanto a las circunstancias, situación política, instrumentos y mecanismos disponibles para la integración regional.
2000
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/322/1/dp_c73_vera.span.pdf
Vera-Fluixa, Ramiro Xavier (2000) Principios de Integración Regional en América Latina y su análisis comparativo con la Unión Europea = Principles of regional integration in Latin America in comparison to the European Union. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 73. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/322/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:722
2011-02-15T22:16:08Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
EU Investment in Cuba and Helms-Burton
Martinez, Candace A.
EU-Latin America
[From the Introduction]. Another aspect of this exploratory research trip, however, was to get a sense of what is really going on in Cuba. I was curious to see firsthand what the business and non-business climate really is in Castro’s Cuba. Many of the articles, papers, and other sources I had read prior to my trip seemed to have a hidden agenda. Being such a politically charged country, it is hard to find objective observers, especially from the United States. Add to that the Elian Gonzalez conflict, which was in full bloom at the time I visited Cuba, and it is not surprising that in the spring of this year practically every written source about the island-country I located had a political edge to it. The everyday people I talked to, though, from the young man who gave me a ride on his taxi-bicycle to the old musician who spontaneously started chatting with me at a downtown café, were extremely open and honest and very helpful in helping me construct my personal cognitive map of what life is like there. The focus of this white paper, then, is to convey not only the findings regarding my research questions, but also my impressions of daily life on the island and the impact, if any, the growth in foreign direct investment has had. I should add that I concentrated my time in Havana and all interviews were conducted in the capital. All European businessmen requested anonymity; the Cuban sources I spoke to shall also remain nameless, although I will identify their place of work. Any generalizations I make about Cuba are deduced from what I learned in Havana.
2002
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/722/1/Martinez%20EU%20Cuba.html
Martinez, Candace A. (2002) EU Investment in Cuba and Helms-Burton. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/722/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1436
2011-02-15T22:18:35Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303033
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303132
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:737067656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D696D6D6967726174696F6E706F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303038
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303330
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Lessons of European Integration for the Americas
Anderson, Sarah
Canavagh, John.
regional policy/structural funds
regionalism, international
cohesion policy
development
EU-Latin America
general
EU-US
immigration policy
agriculture policy
environmental policy (including international arena)
As criticism mounts in the Americas over what many perceive to be an overly narrow approach to integration, there is growing interest among political leaders and citizen groups to learn more from the most advanced regional integration project in the world: the European Union. This report draws lessons from the European experience that may be relevant for the debate over the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas in five issue areas: development funds, migration, agriculture, social and environmental standards, and public participation.
2004-02
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/1436/1/Lessons_of_European_Integration_for_the_Americas.doc
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/1436/2/eulessons/EUlessons.pdf
Anderson, Sarah and Canavagh, John. (2004) Lessons of European Integration for the Americas. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1436/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2076
2011-02-15T22:21:07Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:443030316C61776C6567616C61666661697273
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The autonomy of national legislatures in the European Union and MERCOSUR"
Duina, Francesco.
governance: EU & national level
regionalism, international
law & legal affairs-general (includes international law)
EU-Latin America
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
The impact of the common markets, and the European Union in particular, on the policy-making, administrative, judiciary, and territorial autonomy of nation states is to date fairly well explored. Less explored, by contrast, is the impact of common markets on the legislature of nation states. This paper proposes that common markets produce supranational law that displaces national legislatures as the traditional legislative bodies of the nation state. The displacement, however, varies in intensity across legislative arenas. An analysis of the legislative output of the EU and MERCOSUR for the years 1958-1999 and 1991-1999 respectively (a total of over 1,800 relevant laws were coded) reveals an interesting pattern to this displacement. Intense displacement occurs above all in arenas directly and, due to spillover, indirectly related to the trade of physical goods. These include the environment, transportation, and public health. But in other arenas, including labor, capital, and services, states retain significant substantive and institutional integrity. The protectionist tendencies of states in these arenas, along with the geopolitical and commercial nature of common markets, probably explain such limitations. The implications of these findings for state strength in spheres other then legislation are discussed.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2076/1/002234_1.PDF
Duina, Francesco. (2001) "The autonomy of national legislatures in the European Union and MERCOSUR". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2076/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2105
2011-02-15T22:21:16Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D46:46303332
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Similar feathers or different stripes? Mexico, Turkey and the limits of regional integration"
Hussain, Imtiaz.
regionalism, international
enlargement
EU-Latin America
Turkey
EU-US
Mexico's and Turkey's regionalist pursuits predictably changed the rules of integration game, as much out of their own idiosyncratic contributions to both theory-building and policy-making, as through developments beyond their control. Those are the broad findings of a comparative study of the two actual/potential developing country trading bloc members. By examining the economic credentials and liabilities of both, the endogenous features of integration theories, and the exogenous forces impinging upon them, the study further finds two countries with similar structures inclinations in the global economy confronting different future prospects and imposing dissimilar challenges upon regional integration. Critical to the outcomes have been the explicit and implicit roles of United States: its proximity to Mexico working wonders for that country but deepening dependency, its withdrawal from Turkey improving that country's regionalist chances but weakening the exclusiveness of the European Union. The United States is found to be one of a few exogenous forces challenging their endogenous counterparts in shaping regionalism today, pushing regionalism and regional integration theories increasingly to trespass the domains of other paradigms and policy objectives. Questions are raised how policy-makers and theory builders may escape the dilemmas they face.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2105/1/002119.PDF
Hussain, Imtiaz. (2001) "Similar feathers or different stripes? Mexico, Turkey and the limits of regional integration". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2105/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2190
2011-02-15T22:21:35Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Coherence and conditionality in European trade strategy: Negotiating the EU-Mexico Free Trade Agreement"
Szymanski, Marcela
Smith, Michael E.
EU-Latin America
international trade
The argument proceeds as follows. In the first section of the article, we discuss the historical context in which the Global Agreement was pursued. The purpose in this section is to explain the general motivations, economic and political, of both sides when they first agreed to discuss a deal. In the second section we describe in more detail the principles of coherence and political conditionality that informed the negotiation of the agreement. In the third section, we examine the initial stages of the negotiations, focusing on why Mexico initially rejected the EU's proposals for linking political conditionality with a trade agreement. In the fourth section we explain how the EU managed to secure Mexico's acceptance of the EU's terms in the Global Agreement. In the fifth section, we briefly compare the final Global Agreement with the NAFTA pact to further illustrate the novel features of the EU-Mexico arrangement. In the conclusion we speculate on the future of this agreement, stressing its implications for global free trade and theories of regional integration.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2190/1/002257_1.PDF
Szymanski, Marcela and Smith, Michael E. (2001) "Coherence and conditionality in European trade strategy: Negotiating the EU-Mexico Free Trade Agreement". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2190/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2377
2011-02-15T22:22:30Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
“Mexico/EU Relationship: Bridge or Exception in North America?”
Sberro, Stephen.
EU-US
EU-Latin America
Transatlantic relations, so-called, could be divided in two main areas: international politics and defence on one side, economy and trade on the other side. In the case of Mexico there is no such division. The relations between Europe and Mexico always were essentially economic and at least since the French intervention in the past century there was no rhetoric such as a common vision of the world or shared ideals that are worth to fight for together. During the Cold War Mexico and Europe were not on opposite sides but were clearly different. To Mexico then, the North/South political and economic divide was at least as important as the East/West divide. For that reason this paper will focus exclusively on the trade and economic aspect of the relation, the only one for which the comparison between Mexico and the United States, in their relation with Europe, is possible.
1999
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2377/1/002913_1.PDF
Sberro, Stephen. (1999) “Mexico/EU Relationship: Bridge or Exception in North America?”. In: UNSPECIFIED, Pittsburgh, PA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2377/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2589
2011-02-15T22:23:07Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Private party direct access: A comparison of the NAFTA and the EU disciplines"
Gal-or, Noemi.
EU-US
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
This paper will study the subject of locus standi of non-state actors within the dispute resolution regimes established by the EU and NAFTA. While NAFTA addresses the issue on a sectoral basis, the EU deals with it as an institutional and constitutional matter. The purpose of the paper is to juxtapose the different approaches and their solutions to the issue of the protection of the rights of private parties as devised in the two regional arrangements. The first part will discuss the nature of the two agreements and will focus on NAFTA as a regional agreement without institutions in comparison to the EU which represents an enterprise in regional integration equipped with powerful and authoritative institutions. The setting explained, I will elaborate on the concept of private party and follow with a general review of the choice of remedy (or the selection of dispute resolution mechanisms). Then, the distinction between direct versus non-direct access will be explored, for the main challenge to the private party's right to remedy arising from the inter- and supranational arrangements lies in this particular detail. Next, I will analyze the private party direct access to dispute resolution in NAFTA. Most relevant to this paper is the NAFTA Chapter 11 Section B dealing with dispute resolution regarding investments and the investor's right direct access. Dispute resolution and private party direct access in the EU will involve a discussion of the Community court system and of ART. 173 (4) of the EC treaty in particular. The paper will conclude with observations on the difference between NAFTA and the EU concerning approaches to private party direct access.
1997
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2589/1/002571_1.pdf
Gal-or, Noemi. (1997) "Private party direct access: A comparison of the NAFTA and the EU disciplines". In: UNSPECIFIED, Seattle, WA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2589/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2717
2011-02-15T22:23:41Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The Helms-Burton law: Development, consequences and legacy for Inter-American and European-U.S. Relations"
Roy, Joaquín.
EU-US
international trade
EU-Latin America
The Helms-Burton law has attracted the attention of international law scholars, political scientists and experts in international relations. The expectations of long and hard legal procedures reaching up to the U.S. Supreme Court have not been confirmed, in part due to the temporary suspension of some of the law’s most controversial aspects. Title III would allow the former owners of properties confiscated by the Cuban government to sue the individual or companies who would "traffick" with them by buying, selling or investing. The transitory agreement signed by Washington and Brussels in fact froze the process of an inter-Atlantic confrontation. However, additional measures by the U.S. Congress have maintained the tension and the possibilities of future legal procedures. As a legacy of the origin, development and consequences of the law, two dimensions are still solid candidates for analysis. In the field of international relations, there stands the impact exerted by the domestic political motivation of the law on the overall network of the international links of the U.S. with the rest of the world, especially regarding free trade agreements and commerce organizations such as the OMC. Second, the nature of the Helms-Burton law will continue to attract jurists because of the complexity of its different measures, differing interpretations of its constitutionality, and the alleged violation of international law. This paper combines both dimensions.
1997
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2717/1/002741_1.PDF
Roy, Joaquín. (1997) "The Helms-Burton law: Development, consequences and legacy for Inter-American and European-U.S. Relations". In: UNSPECIFIED, Seattle, WA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2717/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2849
2011-02-15T22:24:13Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Is there a comparative perspective between the European Union and NAFTA?"
Chanona, Alejandro.
EU-US
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
There are currently several expectations around NAFTA that clearly foresee something beyond a simple FTA. Moreover, there are analytical exercises in a comparative perspective with the European Union (EU) that confer the benefit of the doubt to the idea of a North American Community. If we agree that the NAFTA is a region in the making and its objectives tend to be overtaken by the dynamics of the region, we are in business. North America has become a real region for security reasons, for economic advantages and for political interests. The point is whether the NAFTA has its own model or its evolution reveals common features like the European experience, although we do not see the need for North America to become a loyal copy of the European regional integration model. In summary, what the NAFTA needs is a theoretical tradition to debate its progress as well as its obstacles, in order to study its nature beyond simple negative integration and assuming that the Regional Integration Agreement entered among Canada, the United States and Mexico, could perfectly evolve towards a community with a stronger institutional system.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2849/1/100.pdf
Chanona, Alejandro. (2003) "Is there a comparative perspective between the European Union and NAFTA?". In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, TN. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2849/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2875
2011-02-15T22:24:19Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D45:45303031
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:4430303268726469
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Legalizing human rights and democracy: Comparing the EU, OAS and CE"
Hawkins, Darren
Joachim, Jutta.
EU-US
Council of Europe
human rights & democracy initiatives
EU-Latin America
States have increased their international commitments to human rights and democracy norms by legalizing them in prominent regional organizations such as the European Union, the Council of Europe, and the Organization of American States. In these organizations, human rights and democracy norms have become increasingly obligatory through binding legal documents and increasingly precise through the development of new treaties and case law. Additionally, states have delegated substantial oversight authority for human rights and democracy issues to IOs. We explain this development by arguing that interests provide state motives, that decreasing security threats and other events provide opportunities to act, and that preexisting norms help determine which principles will be subject to higher levels of legalization. In particular, states have functional interests in more credible commitments and principled interests in human rights, democratic social groups have interests in binding the hands of more authoritarian groups, and IOs have interests in increasing their authority. We find, however, that systemic opportunities and preexisting norms are more powerful explanations of legalization across multiple cases than those various motives.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2875/1/114.pdf
Hawkins, Darren and Joachim, Jutta. (2003) "Legalizing human rights and democracy: Comparing the EU, OAS and CE". In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, TN. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2875/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2982
2011-02-15T22:24:53Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The Social Construction of Free Trade: The European Union, NAFTA, and Mercosur"
Duina, Francesco.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
EU-US
international trade
A large number of nation states throughout the globe entered into regional trade agreements (RTAs) during the 1980s and 1990s. Most observers assumed that the majority of RTAs could be understood as expressions of a single phenomenon: a widespread embrace of free trade. Uninterested in comparative questions, they made the collective turn to integration the subject of their analyses. This paper challenges this undifferentiated view of RTAs. In so doing, it produces evidence that directly speaks to current debates on globalization, the nature of markets, and the spread of neoliberalism across the world. The starting premise is that regional market building is a social endeavor, occurring in the midst of thick institutional contexts. Those contexts give rise to RTAs with remarkably different characteristics. The empirical analysis focuses on the European Union, the North American Free Trade Agreement, and Mercosur. Attention is given to the divergent evolution of law and organizations in three spheres of social life: working women, dairy products, and labor rights. The concluding section discusses additional variables shaping RTAs and venues for future research.
2005
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/2982/1/Duina_Article%2DF.txt
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/2982/2/Duina_Article%2DF.doc
Duina, Francesco. (2005) "The Social Construction of Free Trade: The European Union, NAFTA, and Mercosur". In: UNSPECIFIED, Austin, Texas. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2982/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:3093
2011-02-15T22:25:25Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303130
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Leveling the Playing Field in the EU, NAFTA, CAN, Mercosur and Beyond: Comparing the Role of Competition Rules in Regional Economic Organizations"
Jones, Clifford A.
Levin, Frederic G.
EU-US
regionalism, international
competition policy
EU-Latin America
[From the Introduction]. While more recent documents have placed more emphasis on maintenance of competitive markets as the first objective of EC competition policy and seemingly demoted the single market objective to second place, there is no doubt that both are important. Because the Community welcomed ten new members in 2004 and expects two to three more in 2007, the single market objective may well take on renewed importance. Many of the new Member States and candidates for EU membership are former Communist states to whom "free market" has been a pejorative term for most of the decades since the close of World War II. The new Member States frequently are also new market economies in which those former state-owned industries which have survived the collapse of the Soviet Union are often dominant in the national markets. The challenges of creation of a single market free of distortions and restrictions of competition in the context of ten new members are arguably comparable to if not greater than those which faced the Six in 1952 and 1958.
2005
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/3093/1/joneslevelingeusa.txt
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/3093/2/joneslevelingeusa.doc
Jones, Clifford A. and Levin, Frederic G. (2005) "Leveling the Playing Field in the EU, NAFTA, CAN, Mercosur and Beyond: Comparing the Role of Competition Rules in Regional Economic Organizations". In: UNSPECIFIED, Austin, Texas. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/3093/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:3305
2011-02-15T22:26:27Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D41:414E474F73
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The Role of Networks in the EU’s Foreign Policy toward Colombia"
Dominguez-Rivera, Roberto.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-Latin America
NGOs
decision making/policy-making
Based on the premises of network approaches, this paper considers that EU foreign policy making includes a variety of actors and competing perceptions with regard to particular themes, countries and/or regions. Taking Colombia as a case study, this analysis focuses on three stages of foreign policy making. The first is the nature of the external issue (country, theme, region) the EU has to deal with. The second is the inter-institutional perception and debate between Council, Commission and Parliament. The third is the creation of external networks with NGOs, which becomes decisive in executing cooperation policies, particularly with regard to humanitarian aid.
2005
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/3305/1/EUSA_2005_Austin.txt
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/3305/2/EUSA_2005_Austin.doc
Dominguez-Rivera, Roberto. (2005) "The Role of Networks in the EU’s Foreign Policy toward Colombia". In: UNSPECIFIED, Austin, Texas. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/3305/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6130
2011-02-15T22:40:42Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Governance through Policy Transfer in the External Relations of the European Union; The Case of Mercosur"
Lenz, Tobias
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
The EU is at the forefront of an emerging pattern in international relations, so-called biregionalism. The Union increasingly seeks to establish relations with other world regions while actively promoting the emergence of regional integration projects. The EU’s relationship with Mercosur is unique in this regard as it is the only currently existing form of “pure interregionalism” between two customs unions. As biregional relationships are a relatively new phenomenon in the international system, this paper asks how the EU sets out to structure them. Applying a governance approach to the case study of EU-Mercosur relations, it analyses the extent to which policy transfer is considered a viable strategy by the three main European institutions (Commission, Council and Parliament) in this regard. It draws on the policy transfer framework developed by Dolowitz and Marsh to dissect the EU policy-making process to formulate a policy vis-à-vis Mercosur. It asks what the EU is inclined to transfer, what role each of the three European institutions plays in the process and what the reasons and justifications for such a strategy are. It argues that a lot of the concepts used in the formation of these external relations have their origin in internal EU policies and suggests that this strategy can be considered a form of external governance that does not differ fundamentally from governance in the domestic realm. In addition, it posits that the use of policy transfer in the formation of the EU external relations has clear “normative connotations” based on an EU-specific idea of international order.
2006
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6130/1/gradconf06_lenz.pdf
Lenz, Tobias (2006) "Governance through Policy Transfer in the External Relations of the European Union; The Case of Mercosur". In: UNSPECIFIED, Pittsburgh, PA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/6130/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6610
2011-02-15T22:43:28Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303033
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D45:45303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
The EU-Mercosur Free Trade Agreement: The Implications for Trade in Agriculture. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 107, 21 June 2006
Schneider, Andreas
GATT/WTO
EU-Latin America
international trade
agriculture policy
The ongoing negotiations between the EU and Mercosur countries to conclude a free trade agreement (FTA) have been overshadowed by the parallel WTO negotiations on the Doha Development Agenda (DDA). Potentially, this agreement could have considerable impact on European agricultural markets. Aside from the outcome of the WTO talks, any change of doctrine within the EU in the direction of placing increased emphasis on bilateral agreements would probably mean that an EU–Mercosur FTA should be concluded before too long.
2006-06
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6610/1/1349_107.pdf
Schneider, Andreas (2006) The EU-Mercosur Free Trade Agreement: The Implications for Trade in Agriculture. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 107, 21 June 2006. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/6610/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:6819
2011-02-15T22:44:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
La experiencia de la Unión Europea y sus anécdotas para la « Comunidad Andina de Naciones » (CAN). = The experience of the European Union and its history to the Andean Community of Nations (ACN). ZEI Discussion Papers, C. 145, 2005
Cárdenas, Miguel E.
Arnold, Christian.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
None available.
2005
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/6819/1/dp_c145_arnold.pdf
Cárdenas, Miguel E. and Arnold, Christian. (2005) La experiencia de la Unión Europea y sus anécdotas para la « Comunidad Andina de Naciones » (CAN). = The experience of the European Union and its history to the Andean Community of Nations (ACN). ZEI Discussion Papers, C. 145, 2005. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/6819/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7196
2011-02-15T22:46:52Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303332
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The fall of U.S. and the rise of E.C. research and development?"
Rosenberg, Jerry M.
rtd (RTD) policy/European Research Area
EU-Latin America
EU-US
[From the Introduction]. Today, May 23rd, 1991, Congress endorsed extending fast-track authority for trade talks to continue negotiations on the GATT and to conclude a North American free-trade agreement with Mexico and Canada. Many Americans believe passage of accords wil enhance our supremacy in science and technology, especially in light of European Community projects in R & D. I for one am very doubtful that such agreements will alter our race with the E.C. member states as we face our most formidable nonmilitary challenge in this century - the EuroRevolution. Victory will not only be measured by economic leaps forward, but by the ability to sustain our lead in science and technology.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7196/1/002444_1A.pdf
Rosenberg, Jerry M. (1991) "The fall of U.S. and the rise of E.C. research and development?". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7196/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7206
2011-02-15T22:46:55Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
7375626A656374733D46:46303138
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The Iberian Peninsula and Latin America: Trade Links and Future Prospects"
Luddemann, Margareta K.
Portugal
international trade
EU-Latin America
Spain
[From the Introduction]. If one compares the EEC's network of international activities since its inception to a set of circles organized in descending order of economic importance, Latin America as a whole would occupy a position just above those countries for which economic and political restrictions apply. The reasons for this low ranking are not difficult to discern. Among the six founding nations, France and Belgium had extensive colonial ties, while Italy and the Netherlands had lost all or most of their oversea's possessions. The British entry in 1973 signified an enlargement with a focus to a former empire and the subsequent emergence of the Lome Convention in 1975 provided a set of preferential treatments for the 66 African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries most of which were ex-colonies.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7206/1/002454_1A.pdf
Luddemann, Margareta K. (1991) "The Iberian Peninsula and Latin America: Trade Links and Future Prospects". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7206/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7209
2011-02-15T22:46:57Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Latin America and the EC: Closing Gaps in Cooperation?"
Montecinos, Veronica.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[From the Introduction]. The boundaries between diplomacy and economic policy are being redefined as a result of the growing interdependency in the international political economy. Those boundaries have also been altered by the recent encompassing swing to democracy in regions affected by internal and external economic crises. Policy elites are attempting to coordinate macroeconomic and foreign policy within and between regions and subregions, as a way of enhancing their capabilities for carrying out economic and political restructuring. The search for greater policy effectiveness and stronger democracies has rendered necessary to introduce institutional reforms in decision making structures, at the national as well as at the supranational level. In spite of recent developments, the institutional frameworks for international cooperation are still quite tentative. At a normative level, the incipient attention to principles of international distributive justice may be taken as an indication. Some think that to the extent that citizens of rich countries have obligations towards the welfare of people in other countries, a new basis for international morality appears to be necessary. "The state-centered image of the world has lost its normative relevance because of the rise of global economic interdependence" (Beitz 1988:48). How can basic rights in all countries be institutionalized and protected? Some argue for the desirability of a constitutional world democracy and an elected world government (Nielsen 1988:270-271). But experience shows that attempts to institute almost any form of supranational authority have confronted the unwillingness of national actors to subordinate their particular interests to collective goals. The European and the Latin American experiences indicate that the speed at which integration schemes have progressed--and their scope--have been seriously constrained by the resistance to transfer sovereign powers away from the domestic spheres of decision making. The conviction that flaws in the progress towards regional unity were in part due to the architecture of integration has recently led to treaty amendments, adjustments in interinstitutional relations and a series of other institutional innovations.
1991
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7209/1/002457.1.pdf
Montecinos, Veronica. (1991) "Latin America and the EC: Closing Gaps in Cooperation?". In: UNSPECIFIED, Fairfax, Virginia. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7209/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7351
2011-02-15T23:46:13Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7620
2011-02-15T22:49:13Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D45:45303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303137
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
"Global Voices on Regional Integration." ZEI Discussion Paper No. 176, 2007
Ferrero-Waldner, Benita
Kosler, Ariane
Chimwemwe Kazembe, Faith
Mandigora, Augustine
Makgoeng, Larona
Regis Rakotomanana, Andrianaivo
Emile Nkiranuye, Jean
Odularu, Gbadebo
Maluka, Stephen Oswald
Magbagbeola, Nelson O.
Beckford, Tamian
Alexander, Walter J.
Barrow, Tricia
Jones, Jessica Lynn
Bridgewater, Sherwin
Mounsey, Allister
Konyo Addo, Olga
Beighle, Yidiz
Carrau, Natalia
Correa, Fabiano
Obaya, Martin
Retamoso, Mercedes
Navarro, Mauren
Coleman, Jane Chow
Allegra Cerrato Sabillón, Norma
Véliz Argueta, Beatriz
Romero, Ximena
Wangchuk, Karma
Win Latt, Phyo
Damayanti, Rizki.
Kühnhardt, Ludger
EU-ACP
GATT/WTO
regionalism, international
international trade
EU-Latin America
EU-Asia-general
[From the Introduction]. Regional Integration offers great opportunities for the countries involved in the process. This has been one of the consensus findings of the first Summer Academy in Comparative Regional Integration at the Center for European Integration Studies (ZEI), sponsored by the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) with funds of the German Federal Foreign Office. The Summer Academy gathered young academics from Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean to analyze a wide range of issues dealing with regional integration. This unique program was initiated by ZEIDirector Prof. Dr. Ludger Kühnhardt with the objective of strengthening the knowledge of young academics in matters of regional integration with regard to regional groupings around the world. Through lectures, workshops, discussions and a simulation the Summer Academy enabled 30 participants from 25 countries outside of Europe to develop problem-oriented approaches for deeper integration in their own region and to estimate the European Union’s capacity to serve as a role model.
Kosler, Ariane
Zimmek, Martin.
2007
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7620/1/dp_c176koesler_zimmek.pdf
Ferrero-Waldner, Benita and Kosler, Ariane and Chimwemwe Kazembe, Faith and Mandigora, Augustine and Makgoeng, Larona and Regis Rakotomanana, Andrianaivo and Emile Nkiranuye, Jean and Odularu, Gbadebo and Maluka, Stephen Oswald and Magbagbeola, Nelson O. and Beckford, Tamian and Alexander, Walter J. and Barrow, Tricia and Jones, Jessica Lynn and Bridgewater, Sherwin and Mounsey, Allister and Konyo Addo, Olga and Beighle, Yidiz and Carrau, Natalia and Correa, Fabiano and Obaya, Martin and Retamoso, Mercedes and Navarro, Mauren and Coleman, Jane Chow and Allegra Cerrato Sabillón, Norma and Véliz Argueta, Beatriz and Romero, Ximena and Wangchuk, Karma and Win Latt, Phyo and Damayanti, Rizki. and Kühnhardt, Ludger (2007) "Global Voices on Regional Integration." ZEI Discussion Paper No. 176, 2007. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/7620/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7809
2011-02-15T22:50:15Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
Delegation and Agency in EU Trade Policy-Making: Bringing Brussels Back in
Elsig, Manfred.
international trade
EU-Latin America
European Commission
decision making/policy-making
This paper addresses the political economy of foreign trade policy-making in the European Union (EU). In light of recent developments in global trade regulation towards more regional and bilateral trade arrangements, the paper asks what drives trade-policy-making in the EU? Using a Principal-Agent (PA) framework the paper looks at how institutional and societal factors shape EU trade policymaking and attempts to bring the Community institutions back in. The paper adds to a growing literature on PA that increasingly looks at the agency side of the PA equation. It is argued that the agent (the EU Commission) is neither a master’s servant nor a run-away bureaucrat. The agent is most powerful when setting the agenda and resisting change to its overall strategy. The existence of collective and multiple principals and the multi-level system facilitate agency. Empirically, the paper discusses the use of venues for trade regulation and provides insights from the EU–Mercosur negotiations.
2007
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7809/1/elsig%2Dm%2D01d.pdf
Elsig, Manfred. (2007) Delegation and Agency in EU Trade Policy-Making: Bringing Brussels Back in. In: UNSPECIFIED, Montreal, Canada. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7809/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7879
2011-02-15T22:50:42Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
Trade Triangulation: The Stalemate of the FTAA and EU-MERCOSUR FTA Negotiations
Genna, Gaspare M.
EU-Latin America
EU-US
international trade
Why are some free trade agreements (FTAs) in the western hemisphere successfully negotiated and implemented while others seem to stagnate during negotiations? FTAs develop when there is an asymmetrical power relationship and potential partners are satisfied with potential trade patterns. The European Union (EU) and United States have been successful in negotiating agreements with the Caribbean and Central American countries. However, current bilateral and multilateral trade talks between the EU, the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR), and US are at a standstill. Trade patterns are unsatisfactory for the MERCOSUR members because they are not able to maximize their comparative advantage. Additionally, neither the EU nor US are willing to use their power capabilities to reduce this dissatisfaction. Finally, the growing Chinese economic profile in Latin America further complicates the ability for the three actors to achieve a set of satisfactory trade relations. Evidence to support these arguments comes from archival research of the failed EU-MERCOSUR FTA and Free Trade Agreement of the Americas negotiations.
2007
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/7879/1/genna%2Dg%2D07j.pdf
Genna, Gaspare M. (2007) Trade Triangulation: The Stalemate of the FTAA and EU-MERCOSUR FTA Negotiations. In: UNSPECIFIED, Montreal, Canada. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/7879/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:7935
2011-02-15T23:46:31Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8079
2011-02-15T22:51:58Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D46:46303138
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The Experience of Spain and Portugal in the European Union: Lessons for Latin America. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 2, March 2002
Royo, Sebastián.
EU-Latin America
Spain
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
Portugal
(From the introduction). The pattern of Spanish and Portuguese histories has been described, crudely, as a graph shaped like an upside-down V: “The graph rises bumpily at times, through 600 years under the Romans, 700 years or partly under the moors, and a century of empire-buildingto the peak of Spanish and Portuguese power in the 16th Century. After that it is downhill almost all the way. The riches of the American and African colonies were squandered in wars. A vast empire was gradually lost, leaving Portugal and Spain poor and powerless. Spain suffered 43 coup d’état between 1814 and 1923, an horrendous civil war between 1936 and 1939, followed by 36 years of dictatorship under Generalísimo Franco.”1 In Portugal the years following the assassination of the king in 1908 and the subsequent overturn of the monarchy was a period of political chaos, which led to 40 years of authoritarian rule under Salazar and Caetano. After Franco’s death in 1975 and the Carnation Revolution in Portugal, the graph has turned upward again. In Spain, King Juan Carlos, Franco’s heir, supported the return of democracy to the country. A transition period, which has been labeled as a model for other countries, paved the way for the elaboration of a new Constitution, followed by the first free elections in almost forty years. In Portugal the democratic transition was more turbulent and included a revolutionary period (1974-76), but it culminated, as in Spain, with the establishment of a parliamentary democracy. These developments were followed by the progressive return of both Iberian countries to the international arenafrom which they had been relatively isolated during the dictatorship. The following decade also brought the electoral victory of the Socialist Party in both countries (in 1975 in Portugal and 1982 in Spain), bringing a new aura of modernity to these countries. The 1980s also witnessed Spain’s integration in NATO (1982).
2002-03
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8079/1/royoworkingpaper.pdf
Royo, Sebastián. (2002) The Experience of Spain and Portugal in the European Union: Lessons for Latin America. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 2, March 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8079/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8080
2011-02-15T22:51:59Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D46:46303138
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The Coral Gables Declaration, April 6, 2002. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 3-EN, April 2002
Roy, Joaquin.
EU-Latin America
Spain
Portugal
Author listed as Euro – Inter-American Forum. European, Latin American, and Caribbean countries constitute a fraternal community with a common history, in that all share the same civilization and culture, which permits the development of a European-Latin American-Caribbean Space, an extension of the existing “Iberoamerican Space,” constituted by the Summits of Spain, Portugal, and the Latin American countries.
2002-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8080/1/Declarationworkingpaper%2Denglish.pdf
Roy, Joaquin. (2002) The Coral Gables Declaration, April 6, 2002. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 3-EN, April 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8080/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8081
2011-02-15T22:51:59Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D46:46303138
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Declaración de Coral Gables, 6 Abril 2002. = The Declaration of Coral Gables, 6 April 2002. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 3-ES, April 2002
Roy, Joaquin.
Portugal
EU-Latin America
Spain
Author listed as Foro Euro-Interamericano. El conjunto de las naciones europeas, latinoamericanas y caribeñas constituye una comunidad hermanada por una historia común, en la que todos comparten una misma civilización y cultura, que permite el desarrollo de un espacio euro-latinoamericano-caribeño, ampliación del ya existente “espacio iberoamericano”, constituido por las cumbres de España, Portugal y los países latinoamericanos.
2002-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8081/1/Declaracionworkingpaper%2Despanol.pdf
Roy, Joaquin. (2002) Declaración de Coral Gables, 6 Abril 2002. = The Declaration of Coral Gables, 6 April 2002. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 3-ES, April 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8081/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8082
2011-02-15T22:51:59Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D45:45303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
CARICOM, the European Union and International Linkages in External Trade Negotiations. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 4, April 2002
Gonzáles, Anthony Peter.
GATT/WTO
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
international trade
(From the introduction). As regards developed countries this position is still to be tested. There are demands in the FTAA and in the European Union for reciprocity that would have to be addressed. An extensive debate has been raging in terms of approaches and modalities to granting reciprocity to developed countries. In this paper, the aim is to assess the chances of success of the CARICOM strategy with respect to the European Union. The CARICOM approach is first examined as it has been applied in this region. Its experience in the WTO and FTAA is then discussed as an input into the appraisal of its possibilities in the ACP/EU context.
2002-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8082/1/gonzalesworkingpaper.pdf
Gonzáles, Anthony Peter. (2002) CARICOM, the European Union and International Linkages in External Trade Negotiations. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 4, April 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8082/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8083
2011-02-15T22:52:00Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303132
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The European Union and the Caribbean: Analysis and Challenges, Working Paper Series. Vol. 2 No. 5, May 2002
Ritto, Luis.
development
EU-Latin America
In addition to the creation of a common currency (the euro, which is in circulation since 1 January 2002), the Maastricht Treaty (based on three pillars: European Communities, Common Foreign and Security Policy and Justice and Home Affairs) gave EU development matters a new dimension. In fact, an article was added to the Treaty – Article 177 – specifying that Community policy in the area of development co-operation was complementary to the policies pursued by the EU Member States and must foster: – The sustainable economic and social development of the developing countries; – The smooth and gradual integration of the developing countries in the world economy; and – The fight against poverty in the developing countries. Co-operation for development became therefore a Community policy. The Treaty stated also that the European Union should contribute to the general objective of consolidating democracy and the rule of law, the respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the developing countries, especially in those countries with which it will establish co-operation agreements.
2002-05
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8083/1/rittoworkingpaper.pdf
Ritto, Luis. (2002) The European Union and the Caribbean: Analysis and Challenges, Working Paper Series. Vol. 2 No. 5, May 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8083/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8084
2011-02-15T22:52:00Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The European Anchoring of Cuba: From Persuasion and Good Intentions to Contradiction and Frustration. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 6, May 2002
Roy, Joaquin.
EU-Latin America
(From the introduction). The commemoration of the one hundredth anniversary of the birth of the Cuban Republic on May 20, 2002, has provided an opportunity to review not only the survival of the Cuban regime but the whole history of the Cuban nation. (1) This event coincided with the historical visit of former President Jimmy Carter to Havana2 and the reiteration of the unwillingness of the United States to terminate its embargo on Cuba, as expressed by President Bush in an unprecedented speech in Washington and a trip to Miami. (3) At the same time, there has been increased friction between Cuba and some influential Latin American countries, such as the special case of Mexico. The tension generated in the aftermath of the vote taken in the United Nations Commission for Human Rights in Geneva in April of 2002 revealed a crack in the comfortable linkage enjoyed by Castro with most of the hemisphere. In this context, Cuba’s relationship with Europe has acquired a new profile. It is time for a historical review and a consideration of the most salient aspects of European-Cuban relations and some of its pending issues.
2002-05
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8084/1/royworkingpaper_cuba.pdf
Roy, Joaquin. (2002) The European Anchoring of Cuba: From Persuasion and Good Intentions to Contradiction and Frustration. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 6, May 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8084/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8085
2011-02-15T22:52:00Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D746572726F7269736D
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Europe: Neither Plan Colombia, nor Peace Process--From Good Intentions to High Frustrations. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 7, June 2002
Roy, Joaquin.
EU-US
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
conflict resolution/crisis management
terrorism
EU-Latin America
(From the introduction). At the same time, a clear message was sent that Europe wanted to distance itself as much as possible from the Plan Colombia, understood as a project centered around counter-insurgency and security issues. After a brief period of uncertainty and the successful and hopeful attempts to revive the Peace Process, the European diplomacy seemed to have its role strengthened from a rank of mere observer to a status of participant in brokering the Peace Process, which was on the verge of collapse in early January 2002. The renewal of the process was then credited to the role of the international community, with heavy European involvement. However, apprehension, pessimism, and a certain degree of realism finally set in the minds of European leaders in view of the decision by President Andrés Pastrana of Colombia to terminate the peace process on February 20, 2002. Considering the continuation of the violent activities perpetrated by the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), culminating with the kidnapping of Eduardo Gechem Turbay, a prominent Colombian senator, Pastrana ordered the Colombian troops to enter the territory previously awarded as sanctuary. (4) Meanwhile, under the new Bush administration, U.S. opinion had already shifted toward a more hard line attitude, as former Clinton administration officials reflected in timely columns. (5) Editorials endorsed President Bush’s attempts to make U.S. support more effective. (6) These published opinions confirm that many U.S. elite had significantly shifted toward the idea of more active participation in the Colombian conflict, sidelining the peace negotiations as an apparent result of the attacks of September 11. “Terrorism” was the code word widely used, replacing “counter-insurgency strategy” and “curtailing narco-trafficking” which was the original framework sold to Congress to justify the need for Plan Colombia. The Colombian government began to lobby energetically for the use of U.S. counter-drug trafficking resources in the anti-insurgency activities, equating the fight against the FARC to the military offensive against Al Qaeda. (7) In public statements, the White House limited its position to the parameters outlined by Congress in the fight against drugs. (8)
2002-06
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8085/1/royworkingpaper_colombia.pdf
Roy, Joaquin. (2002) Europe: Neither Plan Colombia, nor Peace Process--From Good Intentions to High Frustrations. Working Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 7, June 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8085/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8086
2011-02-15T22:52:01Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Power Preponderance and Domestic Politics: Explaining Regional Economic Integration in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1960-1997. Working Paper Series, Vol. 3, No. 1, August 2002
Genna, Gaspare
Hiroi, Taeko.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
(From the introduction). The promotion of regional integration is one of the more significant decisions in the post-WW II international political economy. Regional integration is a process in which two or more nations within a geographical region voluntarily adjust economic and other policies to produce a fusion of their economies and political institutions. This results in a slow pooling of nation-state sovereignty in evolving supranational institutions. The variation of this pooling is wide. Large amounts of sovereignty to date have already been pooled by Western European countries in the European Union (EU). At the opposite end of spectrum, we see nations of Latin America and the Caribbean in the same process but not having reached the same level of regional integration. The purpose of this paper is to explore the conditions conducive to regional economic integration in Latin America and the Caribbean. A review of the literature points to two fundamental conditions: domestic and regional. These conditions comprise the incentives and the disincentives for the propensity of country pairs to integrate. We examine Latin American and Caribbean integration for three reasons. First, we wish to explore the dynamics of the process of integration in the developing world. Second, the western hemisphere is a unique laboratory for integration. In the latter half of the twentieth century, four regional economic integration projects emerged in Latin America and the Caribbean: the Southern Cone Common Market (Mercosur in Spanish or Mercosul in Portuguese); the Andean Common Market (also known as the Andean Pact); the Central American Common Market (CACM), which later became the Central American Integration System (SICA); and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). (1) Due to the longevity of some projects, the off-again and on-again traits of others, the uneven pace of development of regional institutions, and the mix of different sized countries, we have a variation along many dimensions. Third, the recent discussions for the resurrection of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) warrant an examination.
2002-08
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8086/1/Gennaworkingpaper.pdf
Genna, Gaspare and Hiroi, Taeko. (2002) Power Preponderance and Domestic Politics: Explaining Regional Economic Integration in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1960-1997. Working Paper Series, Vol. 3, No. 1, August 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8086/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8093
2011-02-15T22:52:03Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Reflexiones sobre el Mercosur y su futuro = Reflections about Mercosur and its future. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 1 No. 5, September 2002
Peña, Félix.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
La reflexión prospectiva sobre el Mercosur es oportuna por cuatro razones. La primera es la probabilidad que sus socios tengan que enfrentar, a escala global y sudamericana, agendas externas complejas en materia de seguridad y estabilidad política. La segunda es que se han iniciado negociaciones comerciales –OMC, ALCA, UE-, que podrían culminar simultáneamente en el 2004. Sus resultados impactarán en la competencia económica global, y en las políticas económicas y comerciales externas. La tercera es que los socios deberán prepararse desde ya para competir con éxito, a partir del 2005, en los posibles escenarios post-negociaciones comerciales. Y la cuarta es que el Mercosur tiene un problema de credibilidad, que puede afectar su eficacia en la competencia por atraer inversiones y para negociar con terceros países.
2002-09
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8093/1/pena.pdf
Peña, Félix. (2002) Reflexiones sobre el Mercosur y su futuro = Reflections about Mercosur and its future. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 1 No. 5, September 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8093/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8094
2011-02-15T22:52:04Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
European Union-Mercosur Relations: The Institutionalization of Cooperation, Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 1 No. 8, October 2002
Kanner, Aimee.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
The European Union is a continuing process of integration. Evidence of this is apparent in the current enlargement process. As this regional organization continues to deepen and widen, it remains a principle actor in the international community, not only through the often criticized Common Foreign and Security Policy, but more tangibly through its bilateral and multilateral cooperation agreements, many of which are highly institutionalized and extend beyond the more popularly-known economic aspects of these external relations. In 1991, the Treaty of Asunción was signed, forming a new regional integration agreement between Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. Created out of joint political necessity, the Southern Cone Common Market, commonly known as Mercosur, has not adopted the European system of integration, but uses it as a model to develop an organization based on the economic, political, and social characteristics and needs of this particular region. While many systems of regional integration were either created or intensified in the Western Hemisphere during the late 1980s and early 1990s, Mercosur is unique in that it has an institutional framework, a necessity for successful integration and external relations. Although the Mercosur institutions are weak compared to those of the European Union, they are the most advanced of all the regional organizations in the Western Hemisphere, recently taking a respectable step in the direction of supranationality. Since the creation of Mercosur, the European Union has been a strong supporter of this initiative, and continues to promote closer ties with the region. Other than economic opportunity, why is the European Union so interested in formalizing, and indeed, institutionalizing relations with Mercosur? And how has this relationship progressed over the past eleven years?
2002-10
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8094/1/kanner.pdf
Kanner, Aimee. (2002) European Union-Mercosur Relations: The Institutionalization of Cooperation, Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 1 No. 8, October 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8094/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8095
2011-02-15T22:52:04Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303132
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Economic Relations of the European Union and Mercosur. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 1 No. 9, October 2002
Arenas, Mariela.
development
EU-Latin America
international trade
(From the introduction). The “Southern Cone Common Market” was created in 1991 not with the aim, as its name would imply, of achieving just an economic integration of its member states, but rather of creating a meaningful entity encompassing the political, productive and social aspects of its member states. By joining forces, its four member states (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay) represent the single largest market in Latin America, with 210 million inhabitants and a total GDP of US$1.1 trillion, representing the fourth largest economic entity in the world. (1) Since the 1994 Protocol of Ouro Preto, Mercosur has followed the spirit of the European Union in its ambitious objective of creating a large supranational entity rather than remaining at the intergovernmental integration level sought by other regional blocs, such as NAFTA. The EU has been working to strengthen its ties with Mercosur since 1992, with the signature of the Technical Cooperation Agreement. In the following years, the relationship between the two blocs has evolved considerably. In 1995, both parties signed an Inter-Regional Framework Cooperation Agreement, which initiated the process towards a definitive Association Agreement. A series of negotiation rounds was carried out starting in the year 2000 with the objective of hammering out the details for a free trade agreement. Beyond the historical and political linkages between the Mercosur member states and Europe, the association with the European Union is important for several reasons. First, from a purely economic point of view, both regions are already intimately tied as the EU is Mercosur’s largest trading partner and source of foreign direct investment. Second, as previously mentioned, Mercosur’s framework draws significantly from the EU model. In this sense, the experiences from the EU can represent a valuable resource at the time of designing Mercosur’s institutions and implementing any necessary policies. Third, Mercosur’s member countries, and in particular Brazil, are interested in raising their profile in the international geopolitical arena. In this sense, an association with the EU would give Mercosur member states a significant degree of leverage and prestige. Finally, and not unrelated to the previous point, any progress in its association discussions with the European Union could strengthen Mercosur’s position in the context of the future FTAA negotiations. From the European point of view, any closer relationship with Mercosur would be valuable because, first, Mercosur comprises two of the three largest markets in Latin America, with product offerings that are largely complementary to those of the EU. Secondly, Mercosur is the only other integration agreement that shares the EU’s values and ideals. (2) And third, it is an objective of the EU to avoid any deviation of commerce that might arise from the implementation of the FTAA. This paper summarizes the three main aspects of the EU-Mercosur economic relations. These aspects are foreign direct investment flows, trade and foreign aid.
2002-10
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8095/1/mariela.pdf
Arenas, Mariela. (2002) Economic Relations of the European Union and Mercosur. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 1 No. 9, October 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8095/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8096
2011-02-15T22:52:05Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:656661454D55454D536575726F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The Dollar, the Euro and Exchange Rate Regimes in Latin America. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 1 No. 10, November 2002
Miotti, Luis
Plihon, Dominique
Quenan, Carlos.
EU-US
EU-Latin America
EMU/EMS/euro
The creation of the euro on January 1st 1999 was one of the major economic events of the end of the 20th century. Completing a lengthy process of economic integration, the emergence of the European Monetary Union is likely to produce significant transformations in international monetary and financial relationships. This view is based on the economic weight of the euro zone, similar to the weight of the United States, and on the desire of the monetary authorities not to restrain the internationalisation process of the new European currency. However, monetary history shows that the process of birth and decline of international currencies is very slow and subject to important inertia. This inertia is particularly important for the functions of medium of exchange and store of value. The two first years of existence of the euro confirm this view. They also seem to give some credit to the analyses, proposed before the creation of euro, which mentioned the possibility of an important role of the euro with respect to financial operations. These approaches also stressed the idea that the evolution of the international monetary system is related to the choice that will be made with respect to indebtment and investment currencies. In this respect, the significant growth of international bond issues in euro during the last two years is a very important fact. Latin America actively participated in the growth of the international euro bond market. This led us to study the long-term implications of this process of intensification of the financial relationships between Europe and Latin America, with a particular focus on exchange rate regimes. As a matter of fact, we explore one aspect which has not been addressed much in recent studies on the euro and Latin America: the link between the emergence of the euro and the function of unit of account. This function is not limited to the denomination of international trade; it also deals with the use of international currencies as anchors for monetary policy. The euro already plays the role of an anchor (alone or in baskets) for about 50 countries. This concerns first African countries, but also a great number of Eastern European countries, some of which are candidates for future admission in the euro zone. One may foresee the existence of a duopoly, less and less asymmetry with respect to international currencies, with an increasing proportion of developing country currencies pegged on the euro and/or the dollar. One interesting question is whether the euro is likely to be used for pegging local currencies in countries that are already strongly dollarised. This paper draws upon a study sponsored by ECLAC on “The Euro and Financial Relations between Latin America and Europe: Medium- and Long-Term Implications.”1 The paper starts with a survey of recent debates on possible evolutions of the international monetary system (IMS) in the medium to long run as a result of the creation of the euro. The central part of our study deals with a theoretical and empirical analysis of the determinants of de facto monetary pegging, as opposed to de jure exchange rate regimes published by the IMF. We present an econometrical analysis of the determinants of de facto exchange rate regimes of 93 countries. We put a specific emphasis on Latin American countries.
2002-11
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8096/1/quenan.pdf
Miotti, Luis and Plihon, Dominique and Quenan, Carlos. (2002) The Dollar, the Euro and Exchange Rate Regimes in Latin America. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 1 No. 10, November 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8096/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8099
2011-02-15T22:52:06Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Consensual Integration Alliances: The Importance of Predictability and Efficacy in the Mercosur Institutional Experience. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 3, March 2003
Peña, Félix.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
(From the introduction). A voluntary integration alliance between sovereign nations, whatever its intensity, has a vocation of permanence. This is a central element, though it does not necessarily guarantee the irreversibility of the process. Still, this system of integration is conceived and constructed assuming the vocation of permanence. It is important that this vocation adjusts itself to the rules of the game that reflect and sustain it on the basis of reciprocal national interests. It is a dynamic win-win perception that in the long run preserves the social pact among participating nations, and explains its domestic legitimacy. The essential role of common institutions and rules of the game is precisely to maintain the balance of national interests in the long term. The quality of these institutions and rules will have a strong impact on explaining the relative success of an integration process. The demand for institutions in a concrete process will depend largely on the degree of interdependence and on the concentration of relative power among the partners.
2003-03
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8099/1/pena_03.pdf
Peña, Félix. (2003) Consensual Integration Alliances: The Importance of Predictability and Efficacy in the Mercosur Institutional Experience. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 3, March 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8099/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8102
2011-02-15T22:52:08Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
De Río a Madrid: límites y posibilidades de las relaciones Unión Europea-América Latina = From Rio to Madrid: limits and possibilities in European Union-Latin American relations. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 6, April 2003
Sanahuja, José Antonio.
EU-Latin America
El pasado mes de mayo, durante el semestre de la Presidencia española de la Unión Europea, se celebró en Madrid la II Cumbre de Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de la Unión Europea y América Latina y el Caribe. Esta reunión debería haber proporcionado un nuevo impulso político a la “Asociación Estratégica” que ambas regiones acordaron en la I Cumbre, celebrada en Río de Janeiro en junio de 1999. Sin embargo, a pesar del tono complaciente de las declaraciones oficiales, la Cumbre de Madrid parece confirmar que Latinoamérica ha perdido importancia en las relaciones exteriores de la Unión Europea, y que ésta ha abandonado la estrategia interregionalista del decenio anterior, que pretendía establecer un marco de relación privilegiado entre ambas regiones. Las exigencias de la ampliación al Este, el compromiso europeo con las negociaciones de la Organización Mundial de Comercio (OMC), y la primacía de la seguridad en la agenda internacional tras los atentados del 11 de septiembre son algunos de los factores que explican el estancamiento de las relaciones eurolatinoamericanas en sus tres ámbitos mas relevantes: el diálogo político, la cooperación al desarrollo y las cuestiones comerciales.
2003-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8102/1/sanahujafinal.pdf
Sanahuja, José Antonio. (2003) De Río a Madrid: límites y posibilidades de las relaciones Unión Europea-América Latina = From Rio to Madrid: limits and possibilities in European Union-Latin American relations. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 6, April 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8102/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8104
2011-02-15T22:52:08Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Mexico: nuevamente una colonia europea? = Mexico: a new European colony? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 8, May 2003
Stith, Richard.
EU-Latin America
El 26 de junio del año 2000 fue public ado en el Diario Oficial de la Federación1 el decreto promulgatorio del ”Acuerdo de Asociación Económica, Concertación Política y Cooperación entre los Estados Unidos Mexicanos y la Comunidad Europea y sus Estados Miembros” mejor conocido como “Acuerdo Global” 2. No obstante los medios de comunicación, así como los expertos en la materia, han dado mayor relevancia al área de libre comercio e intercambio de bienes y servicios entre las partes firmantes, éste es un tratado que va mucho más allá de una simple convención comercial. Como se desprende del propio título, México es ya un país asociado con la Unión Europea, comprometido a una concertación política y cooperación con ella. Con este Acuerdo Global habrá, sin duda, muchas ventajas y desventajas para México. El presente artículo sólo se refiere a las desventajas que el Acuerdo representa, ya que nos parece que han sido poco tratadas por los medios de comunicación y poco debatidas en el Senado de la Nación3. Tampoco se pretenden tratar todos los aspectos potencialmente negativos del Acuerdo. Por ejemplo, no entramos en el análisis de los posibles perjuicios económicos para México, en lo general o en los grupos más vulnerables. No negamos ni afirmamos lo que dijo, por ejemplo, una eurodiputada a mediados de febrero de 2001 al respecto de que, con este Acuerdo basado en el libre mercado, México “ya no tendrá la posibilidad de establecer mecanismos para proteger a los sectores más desprotegidos”4. Tampoco entramos en el argumento contrario de que el Acuerdo pone los derechos humanos encima del desarrollo económico y de la democracia 5. Nuestro propósito se limita sólo a cuestionar las nuevas instituciones creadas por el Acuerdo, a decir: el Consejo Conjunto y el Comité Conjunto, que tienen el poder de dictar normas vinculantes sin el consentimiento democrático del Senado mexicano. Como dijo la misma eurodiputada antes citada, “todo parece indicar que en un futuro, México ya no será independiente a la hora de dictar su política económica”6.
2003-05
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8104/1/stithfinal.pdf
Stith, Richard. (2003) Mexico: nuevamente una colonia europea? = Mexico: a new European colony? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 2 No. 8, May 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8104/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8106
2011-02-15T22:52:09Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The European Union Perception of Cuba: From Frustration to Irritation. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 3 No.2, August 2003
Roy, Joaquín.
EU-Latin America
Fidel Castro dramatically selected the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of his failed attack against the Moncada Barracks in Santiago de Cuba on July 26, 1953, for his rejection of any kind of humanitarian assistance, economic cooperation, and political dialogue with the European Union (EU) and its Member States, signaling one of the lowest points in European-Cuban relations. (1) Just days before the anniversary of what history would later recognize as the prelude to the Cuban Revolution, the European Union’s Foreign Relations Council issued a harsh criticism of the regime’s latest policies and personal insults against some European leaders (notably, Spain’s José María Aznar), in essence freezing all prospects of closer relations. The overall context was, of course, the global uncertainty of the U.S. occupation of Iraq in the aftermath of the post-September 11 tension. Having survived the end of the Cold War and the perennial U.S. harassment, the Castro regime seemed to have lost its most precious alternative source of international cooperation, if not economic support.
2003-08
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8106/1/roy_EUCuba.pdf
Roy, Joaquín. (2003) The European Union Perception of Cuba: From Frustration to Irritation. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 3 No.2, August 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8106/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8108
2011-02-15T22:52:09Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Comparing Canada, the European Union, and NAFTA: Comparative Capers and Constitutional Conundrums. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 3 No. 4, August 2003
Wolinetz, Steven B.
EU-US
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
(From the introduction). This is an exercise in comparative analysis. The paper examines Canada, the European Union, and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Its underlying premise - that political systems are best seen in comparative context - is an article of faith for students of comparative politics. Students of the European Union who began with the study of one or more of its member-states will have little problem with this, while those who started from International Relations and European integration studies will have greater doubts. Pooling the sovereignties of fifteen or more member-states, the European Union is in some respects sui generis. Although to be sure, it can be considered a multilevel system of governance, in some respects different from the federations with which it is often compared, the European Union is different enough to make any serious student of comparative politics pause. The EU, like many federal systems has complex decision-making procedures and impinges on the decision-making and sovereignty of its member-states, and appears as a single actor in international trade negotiations, but in other respects, it is very different: unlike many settled federations, the EU unites no well-defined people, and its inability to act as a single actor in foreign affairs or defense was documented well before current splits on Iraq and the Middle East. Difference has never stopped thoughtful students of comparative politics. The old adage that you can’t compare apples and oranges is easily met by noting that both are fruits. The EU may lack many features of federations but it is a complex multilevel system that may bear closer resemblance to lesser studied entities such as leagues and confederations. Examining the EU in comparative context is worthwhile not only because it gives us a clearer sense of what the EU is and is not, and how it has changed over time, but also because such regional systems like the EU are likely to become more common in an interdependent world.1 This paper is unorthodox: it compares the EU to another large trading bloc, the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) and to one of its components, Canada. Comparing the EU and NAFTA is straightforward and obvious enough. The two regional systems take in almost all of the world’s largest economies but are sufficiently different in their governance and politics that comparison in most areas can do little more than highlight difference. Comparing Canada and the EU is another matter. To some, the comparison may sound absurd, and appear to compare fruit and vegetables rather than apples and oranges. Nevertheless, Canada is a federation and a state, with membership in international organizations. However, it is not a pattern state from which models and theories have been extracted and does not figure prominently in the comparative literature. Like the EU, Canada can be considered unique and sui generis. It is difficult to find another country held together by two single-track railways, two broadcasting networks, (until recently) two airlines, and one very long border. That said, Canada’s center-periphery tensions, constitutional disputes, and disintegrative tendencies make it a case about which students of comparative politics should know more. The utility of this comparison will become more obvious if we consider not only current politics, but also the construction of the Canadian confederation (the official term), which was in some respects a battle, if not against nature, against geography and the pull of easier north-south relationships. We will begin by comparing the EU and NAFTA, highlighting differences and similarities, and then develop the more complex, but in many ways more tantalizing, Canada-EU comparison, and show why it is particularly relevant at a time, when the European Union’s constitution, like Canada’s, is in discussion.
2003-08
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8108/1/wolinetzfinal.pdf
Wolinetz, Steven B. (2003) Comparing Canada, the European Union, and NAFTA: Comparative Capers and Constitutional Conundrums. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 3 No. 4, August 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8108/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8109
2011-02-15T22:52:10Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
A Comparative Perspective between the European Union and NAFTA. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 3 No. 5, August 2003
Chanona, Alejandro.
EU-US
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
(From the introduction). There are currently several expectations regarding NAFTA that clearly foresee something beyond a simple free trade area (FTA). Moreover, there are analytical exercises in a comparative perspective with the European Union (EU) that confer the benefit of the doubt on the idea of a North American Community. (1) If we agree that the NAFTA is a region in the making and its objectives tend to be overtaken by the dynamics of the region, we are in business. North America has become a real region for security reasons, for economic advantages and for political interests. The point is whether the NAFTA has its own model or its evolution reveals features common to the European experience, although we do not see the need for North America to become a loyal copy of the European regional integration model. In summary, what the NAFTA needs is a theoretical tradition to debate its progress as well as its obstacles, in order to study its nature beyond simple negative integration and assuming that the Regional Integration Agreement entered between among Canada, the United States and Mexico, could perfectly evolve towards a community with a stronger institutional system.
2003-08
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8109/1/chanonafinal.pdf
Chanona, Alejandro. (2003) A Comparative Perspective between the European Union and NAFTA. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 3 No. 5, August 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8109/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8111
2011-02-15T22:52:10Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D45:45303037
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Comparing Regional Integration Schemes: International Regimes or Would-be Polities?, Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 3 No. 8, September 2003
Laursen, Finn.
GATT/WTO
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
EU-US
(From the introduction). The different integration schemes in the world vary in various ways. They vary in functional scope, institutional set-up, size of membership and impact. The different factors used to explain this variance also vary, from economic gains over geopolitics to learning processes and creation of new collective identities. If the integration schemes in different parts of the world are so different, are they all sui generis? Does it make sense to compare them? Some scholars have argued that they have enough common traits to be comparable. Most often at least integration schemes try to create freer trade, if not free trade, between the participating states. Many also try to create freer movement for services and capital. One possible way to look at this is to say that they constitute international regimes, i.e. establish principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures around which actors’ expectations converge. (2) A good example of an international regime would be the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), now part of the World Trade Organization (WTO). But, as we shall see, one can argue that at least the European Union (EU) has gone beyond being an international regime, instead becoming a multi-level political system or polity. Although much integration theory has been developed to explain the European case, integration theory has also been used to study integration in other parts of the world, including the Americas. In this paper we shall discuss some theories that may be useful in comparing the EU, NAFTA and Mercosur as well as other integration schemes.
2003-09
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8111/1/lauarsenfinal.pdf
Laursen, Finn. (2003) Comparing Regional Integration Schemes: International Regimes or Would-be Polities?, Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 3 No. 8, September 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8111/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8112
2011-02-15T22:52:11Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
7375626A656374733D46:46303138
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Between Free Trade and Social Goals: Regional Integration in the Iberian Peninsula and Mexico. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 3 No. 9, October 2003
Royo, Sebastián.
Portugal
regionalism, international
international trade
EU-Latin America
Spain
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
(From the introduction). This paper examines the integration process of Spain and Portugal in the European Union (EU) and of Mexico in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). It reviews the relationship between regional integration, economic growth, and democratic consolidation. Among other concerns, it asks how membership has impacted economic performance and democracy in the three countries. What is the relationship between economic growth and political citizenship? Are these separate entities, or connected in fundamental ways? The issue of membership in the EU and NAFTA raises at least three important issues. First, it is important to keep in mind that the post-war construction of the European Union was first an economic reality (in the 1950s and 1960s) then a political one (in the 1970s and 1980s), and only now perhaps is becoming a cultural one (since the 1990s). NAFTA so far has been essentially an economic treaty. Second, the political dimension of the EU (born in the aftermath of WWII), which is based on the principle of solidarity, has been instrumental in the development of policies that have been critical in the process of economic and social convergence. This dimension is largely absent in NAFTA. Third, the EU includes free movement of people among member countries, as well as the notion of European citizenship (established in the Maastricht Treaty), as two of its cores. The inclusion of substantive immigration provisions in NAFTA (or at the bare minimum in a bilateral agreement with the United States) is still one of the key ambitions of Mexican governments.
2003-10
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8112/1/royofinal2.pdf
Royo, Sebastián. (2003) Between Free Trade and Social Goals: Regional Integration in the Iberian Peninsula and Mexico. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 3 No. 9, October 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8112/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8121
2011-02-15T22:52:14Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Europa y la Seguridad en América Latina = Europe and security in Latin America. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 4 No. 6, July 2004
Malamud, Carlos.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-Latin America
El tema de la posición europea con respecto a los problemas de seguridad en América Latina debería intentar responder a una pregunta inicial, que resulta clave para cualquier análisis más en profundidad: ¿Qué piensan los europeos sobre estas cuestiones? La verdad es que piensan bastante poco al respecto1, aunque después de los salvajes atentados de Madrid, del pasado 11- M, con toda probabilidad podrían centrarse un poco más en el tema, aunque más no sea como derivación de un interés creciente por los problemas de seguridad. En los últimos días de marzo de 2004 se reunieron los ministros europeos de Interior y de Justicia, así como los responsables policiales, para estudiar la situación creada tras el golpe de Madrid en el contexto de la amenaza que el terrorismo supone para todos los países miembros de la Unión Europea (UE). En los días previos a la reunión se habló, inclusive, de crear una gran agencia europea de inteligencia, siguiendo el modelo de la CIA norteamericana, una propuesta que de momento quedó archivada. Sin embargo, se decidió avanzar en la puesta en marcha de algunas medidas adoptadas tras los atentados del 11-S, plasmados en el “Plan de acción para combatir el terrorismo”, muchas de las cuales habían quedado congeladas en este último tiempo. También se nombró como coordinador de la lucha contraterrorista al holandés Gijs de Vries, que actuará en la órbita de Javier Solana, Alto Representante de la UE para la PESC (Política Exterior y de Seguridad Común). Como consecuencia de todos estos cambios, en estos momentos, los europeos comienzan a ser conscientes de que su necesidad de una mayor seguridad repercutirá necesariamente sobre sus presupuestos, lo cual incidirá necesariamente sobre su cambio de perspectiva sobre el terrorismo en general.
2004-07
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8121/1/malamudfinal.pdf
Malamud, Carlos. (2004) Europa y la Seguridad en América Latina = Europe and security in Latin America. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 4 No. 6, July 2004. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8121/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8126
2011-02-15T22:52:17Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Problems of Latin American Security and its Implications for Europe: A German Perspective. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 4 No. 11, October 2004
Nolte, Detlef.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-Latin America
Germany
EU-US
In this general context the present paper will ask the following questions: • What are the central positions of German foreign policy regarding Latin America, and what importance is given to Latin America in German foreign policy? Are there any particular security concerns? • Are there substantial differences in the perception of security threats in the Western Hemisphere between the German government and Latin American governments or the United States administration? • Are there differences in the instruments and strategies chosen to confront these security threats? • Is there a common European foreign policy towards Latin America, and if so, can particular German interests or contributions be found in it?
2004-10
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8126/1/noltfinal.pdf
Nolte, Detlef. (2004) Problems of Latin American Security and its Implications for Europe: A German Perspective. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 4 No. 11, October 2004. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8126/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8129
2011-02-15T22:52:18Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The European Union and Cuba, in the aftermath of Castro’s ‘fall’. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 4. No. 14, October 2004
Roy, Joaquín.
EU-Latin America
Spain
The announcement made by the Spanish government in September of 2004 to sponsor a new approach of the European Union relations with Cuba raised certain expectations and skepticism from seasoned observers, as well as apprehension in circles close to the dissident movement. After much hesitation in correcting one of the most polemical measures taken by the EU on Cuba in recent years, the Spanish embassy decided to invite again the representatives of the Cuban dissident groups to the reception of the 12 of October. However, the highly political content of the speech given by the new Spanish ambassador, advancing that changes were in the making, produced a visible irritation in the dissident movement and the political opposition in Spain. This was apparently a preview of more conflicts to come, in view of the accidental arrival and expulsion of a Spanish member of Congress and director of international relations of the Partido Popular, in the company of two other Dutch deputies. The protest filed by the Netherlands government and the pressure created in the media made the prospects of a reformatted EU policy towards Cuba even more doubtful. Moreover, with the EU machinery barely recovered after this crisis, pondering about the alternatives, the accident suffered by Fidel Castro, with the potential of affecting his decision-making powers, has made the European future measures even more cautious. In any case, the recent and current state of affairs of EU-Cuba relations, with Spain at the center, is wider in scope and details, filled with complex dimensions and actors.
2004-10
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8129/1/roycubafinal.pdf
Roy, Joaquín. (2004) The European Union and Cuba, in the aftermath of Castro’s ‘fall’. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 4. No. 14, October 2004. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8129/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8132
2011-02-15T22:52:18Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Exploring the Implications of European Integration for The Anglophone Caribbean: From Lomé to EPA. Working Paper Series Vol. 4 No. 17, December 2004
Grenade, Wendy C.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[From the introduction]. The paper specifically discusses the implications of European integration for the Anglophone Caribbean. (5) Why the EU and the Anglophone Caribbean? As the paper demonstrates these two regions are historically entwined through colonial ties and post-colonial trade and aid arrangements. Much has been written about Europe and the Caribbean in the context of colonialism or post-colonialism (6) or EU-Caribbean trade relations, within the broader context of the African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States.(7) There is also an emerging body of literature which examines the implications of European integration for the Anglophone Caribbean in the post-Lomé era. (8) What this paper sets out to do is add to the discourse on European integration and the implications for the Anglophone Caribbean in general and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) (9) in particular. The paper begins by outlining the historical relationship between the EU and the Anglophone Caribbean through the framework of the Lomé Conventions. It then discusses some of the significant developments in the EU and in CARICOM during the late 1980s and 1990s. The next section analyses some of the challenges in the post-Lomé era, which threaten the traditional relationship between the EU and the ACP in general and the Anglophone Caribbean in particular. Finally the paper draws some broad conclusions and offers suggestions for further research.
2004-12
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8132/1/wgrenadefinal.pdf
Grenade, Wendy C. (2004) Exploring the Implications of European Integration for The Anglophone Caribbean: From Lomé to EPA. Working Paper Series Vol. 4 No. 17, December 2004. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8132/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8143
2011-02-15T22:52:25Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Understanding Mercosur and its Future. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol.5 No. 14, June 2005
Pena, Felix.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[From the introduction]. After almost fifteen years of its formal creation by the Asunción Treaty, it is possible to draw some lessons of the Mercosur experience and to introduce some reflections concerning its future. Mercosur is a term that is used in relation with a regional reality, a strategic idea, a formal economic integration process, and an image.
2005-06
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8143/1/penafinal.pdf
Pena, Felix. (2005) Understanding Mercosur and its Future. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol.5 No. 14, June 2005. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8143/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8144
2011-02-15T22:52:26Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D696D6D6967726174696F6E706F6C696379
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The Future of Mexican-U.S. Economic Relations: Is the EU a Model for North America? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol.5 No. 16, July 2005
Canovas, Gustavo Vega.
immigration policy
EU-US
regionalism, international
international trade
EU-Latin America
[Introduction]. In the last few years some analysts and observers of North American integration in Mexico but also in the Unites States, have been proposing the need for a deepening of North American trade and investment liberalization toward higher levels of integration covering social and immigration policies. In these proposals normally one finds references to the European Union (EU) as a model of integration that North America should follow.1 In this paper I will address two questions. First, to what extent is the EU a useful model for the near future integration efforts in the North American region. Second, what is the likely future evolution of North American integration? In order to answer these two questions, first, I will compare the experiences of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the EU and will try to demonstrate that although NAFTA and the EU share important commonalities in terms of extent and depth of integration, they are also very different in terms of origins, goals, scope, degree of institutionalization and centralization and because of this, one important lesson one can draw from the EU experience is that higher convergence in the social field is not likely at least in the short term in North America. However, in the second part of the paper, I will argue that September 11th opens in my opinion a possibility to advance the process of integration in the trade and migration fronts. In order for this to happen a Schengen type of agreement would have to be negotiated between Mexico and the United States.
2005-07
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8144/1/vegafinal.pdf
Canovas, Gustavo Vega. (2005) The Future of Mexican-U.S. Economic Relations: Is the EU a Model for North America? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol.5 No. 16, July 2005. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8144/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8145
2011-02-15T22:52:26Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Reflections on the Development and Prospects of the Free Trade Area of the Americas: Does It Relate to the European Experience? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 17, July 2005
Moss, Ambler.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
EU-US
[From the introduction]. What is the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) really about? What kind of integration does it consist of? What motivates Western Hemisphere countries to move in such a direction? We need to reflect on the meaning and significance of the FTAA. At this writing, as we know, it is not entirely clear when there will be one. It is perhaps easier to say what the FTAA is not about. Most obviously, its wellspring is not analogous to the Schuman Declaration, the political origin of the European Union announced on May 9, 1950. That document said quite plainly that the pooling of coal and steel between the two main European powers would be done to prevent any future war between them: The solidarity in production thus established will make it plain that any war between France and Germany becomes not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible.
2005-07
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8145/1/mossfinal.pdf
Moss, Ambler. (2005) Reflections on the Development and Prospects of the Free Trade Area of the Americas: Does It Relate to the European Experience? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 17, July 2005. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8145/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8146
2011-02-15T23:46:32Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8148
2011-02-15T22:52:26Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Mercosur: Political Development and Comparative Issues with the European Union. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 19 July 2005
Guedes de Oliveira, Marcos Aurelio
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[Introduction]. In the last ten years Mercosur has become a viable instrument for the creation of a South American pole of economic development and integration as well as to enhance regional power in face of inter-regional and global negotiations. For many Europeans, Mercosur (1) is a child of the EU process and structures and should closely follow its model of integration; for many North-Americans it is being portrayed as nothing more than a regional political arrangement in order to better negotiate with the United States. They argue that Latin Americans do not have conditions to create a stable integration process. Surprisingly for everyone Mercosur is there and is growing despite all adversities. This essay discusses key aspects that Mercosur shares with the EU and stresses the particularities that once produced and maintain Mercosur as an original regional integration model.
2005-07
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8148/1/guedesfinal.pdf
Guedes de Oliveira, Marcos Aurelio (2005) Mercosur: Political Development and Comparative Issues with the European Union. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 19 July 2005. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8148/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8164
2011-02-15T22:52:33Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Will the European Union follow the model of the Free Trade Area of the Americas’ project or the FTAA will ever decide to look like the EU? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 35 November 2005
Granell, Francisco.
EU-US
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[From the introduction]. The FTAA is today only a Project, and the European Union is today the most advanced scheme of regional integration among the seventy regional agreements that have been notified to, and examined by, the GATT from its inception in 1947 to the decision to institute -from 1 January 1995- a World Trade Organization, having lent new lustre to a multilateral system (2). In order to arrive at the present level of integration, the European process is in a permanent process of change as it has been throughout the Community's life. It is not my purpose to analyze, here, the historical process of development of the present European Union but it is necessary to remember the parallel processes of deepening and enlargement that have taken place since the Schuman Declaration of 9 May 1950. In this sense we can say that European Integration has always moved qualitatively and quantitatively in an interrelated process.
2005-11
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8164/1/granellfinal.pdf
Granell, Francisco. (2005) Will the European Union follow the model of the Free Trade Area of the Americas’ project or the FTAA will ever decide to look like the EU? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 35 November 2005. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8164/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8165
2011-02-15T22:52:33Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
La Ley de Justicia y Paz de Colombia: Contexto, perspectivas internacionales, y actitud de la Unión Europea. = The Justice and Peace Law in Colombia: Context, international perspectives and attitudes of the European Union. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol.5 No. 36 November 2005
Roy, Joaquin
EU-Latin America
[From the introduction]. Durante una buena parte de la segunda mitad de 2005, los observadores de la escena de las relaciones entre la Unión Europea (EU) y Colombia1 estuvieron esperando con notable expectación dos decisiones que resultan cruciales para sopesar el curso futuro del apoyo europeo a la resolución del conflicto armado colombiano.2 La primera incógnita residía en las dimensiones precisas de la evaluación que debía hacer el Consejo de la UE de la controvertida Ley de Justicia y Paz. La segunda estaba centrada en la resolución de la decisión de la Corte Constitucional de Colombia con respecto a la decisión que en su día tomó el Congreso para dar el visto bueno a la posibilidad de la reelección del Presidente Alvaro Uribe, incapacitado legalmente por la Constitución para optar a un segundo mandato.3 Despejado este aspecto con el anuncio el 19 de octubre del fallo favorable por que Uribe podría ser candidato en mayo de 2006, conviene efectuar una revisión de la evolución global del contexto total,4 aunque todavía se deberá esperar (para la mayoría de los observadores, rutinariamente) hasta el 11 de noviembre a la decisión sobre la ley de garantías para saber si efectivamente Uribe podrá ser candidato. El primer tema fue solventado por la UE con una declaración predecible y suficientemente ambigua que conseguía expresar de nuevo el sincero sentimiento de solidaridad con Colombia y el debido respeto por una ley votada impecablemente por la estructura democrática. Al mismo tiempo, se dejaba entrever en clave diplomática la honda preocupación europea acerca de la efectiva aplicación de un plan de reinserción de los miembros de los grupos paramilitares de ultraderecha que han sido la réplica de las dos grandes formaciones dedicadas a las acciones terroristas y al narcotráfico. Una vez conocido el perfil de la actitud europea, quedaba pendiente el segundo enigma basado en la potencial reelección de Uribe, como protagonista ineludible de la escena política colombiana en el siguiente lustro, un marco más que suficiente para que se pueda acometer, aunque no solucionar del todo, el tratamiento de los más acuciantes retos de la sociedad colombiana, con repercusiones mas allá de las fronteras del país.
2005-11
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8165/1/Royfinal.pdf
Roy, Joaquin (2005) La Ley de Justicia y Paz de Colombia: Contexto, perspectivas internacionales, y actitud de la Unión Europea. = The Justice and Peace Law in Colombia: Context, international perspectives and attitudes of the European Union. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol.5 No. 36 November 2005. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8165/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8166
2011-02-15T22:52:34Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303137
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303133
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136:4430303230313645617374536F7574686561737441736961
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The EU Model of Integration - Relevance Elsewhere? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 37, December 2005
Cameron, Fraser.
EU-US
EU-ACP
East and Southeast Asia
regionalism, international
EU-Middle East
EU-Latin America
EU-Asia-general
[Introduction]. By any standard the European Union (EU) is a successful model of integration. But can it be replicated, even partially, elsewhere? The EU model is highly regarded elsewhere in the world and the attempts to imitate parts of the EU system are perhaps the sincerest form of flattery. In Africa there is the increasingly important Africa Union, as well as a number of regional (e.g. ECOWAS) and sub-regional organizations. In Latin America there is the Andean Pact and Mercosur as well as the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). The North American Free Trade Agreement covers the US, Canada and Mexico. In the Middle East there is the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). In Asia there is the association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and the Asian regional forum (ARF). There is now much speculation about an East Asian Community and a summit is planned for Malaysia in December to discuss such a development. But no regional organisation has come close to matching the achievements of the EU. What are the key elements that made the EU such a success? This paper reviews some of the factors that are essential for regional integration and examines global trends including the relations between the EU and regional organisations.
2005-12
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8166/1/Cameronfinal.pdf
Cameron, Fraser. (2005) The EU Model of Integration - Relevance Elsewhere? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 37, December 2005. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8166/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8168
2011-02-15T22:52:34Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The FTAA and the EU: models for Latin American integration? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 6 No. 2, January 2006
Ruiz, Jose Briceno
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[From the introduction]. Then, two approaches concerning the integration model can be observed. The first one still accepts the premises of the Washington Consensus and structural reform. Consequently, this approach is consistent with the FTAA integration model. The second one furthers a revisionist view, by proposing an increased state intervention. To some extent these revisionist views, the SACN, seem to be inspired by the EU economic model. Chavez initiatives, such as ALBA, have been supported by Cuba. This paper aims at analyzing these two models of regional integration and determines the extent to which they can be implemented in Latina America.
2006-01
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8168/1/Ruizfinal.pdf
Ruiz, Jose Briceno (2006) The FTAA and the EU: models for Latin American integration? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 6 No. 2, January 2006. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8168/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8169
2011-02-15T22:52:34Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Application of the Andean Communitarian Law in Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela in Comparison with the European Union Experience. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 6 No. 3 January 2006
Tremolada, Eric.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[Introduction]. The correct application of the Communitarian Law produced by an International Integration Organization implies that States Members have to make political and legal internal reforms. However, those obligations are not always undertaken by the States and, therefore, the goals of the integration process cannot be reached. As 2005 was very crucial for the conformation of the Andean Common Market, it is quite important to study the different mechanisms for application of the Communitarian Law within the Member States and the comparison of them with those of the successful European Union experience. This historical context is the frame within which we are going to undertake the study and investigation of the political and legal reforms that facilitate the application of Andean Communitarian Law made by Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela. This research is not going to consider the case of Colombia because that issue is being addressed in other broader and deeper academic investigation.
2006-01
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8169/1/Tremoladafinal.pdf
Tremolada, Eric. (2006) Application of the Andean Communitarian Law in Bolivia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela in Comparison with the European Union Experience. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 6 No. 3 January 2006. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8169/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8170
2011-02-15T22:52:35Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
European Integration Model: Lessons for the Central American Common Market. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 6 No. 4 February 2006
Rueda-Junquera, Fernando.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[Introduction]. Under the stimulus provided by the formation of the European Economic Community in 1957, interest on economic integration spread particularly to less developed countries (LDCs) during the early 1960s. Most of the regional integration arrangements signed by then by these countries failed to match expectations. By contrast, regional integration efforts in Western Europe were in general more successful. In the 1970s and early 1980s the slowdown in the European integration process and the failure of similar regional initiatives in the Third World led to a decline of integration theory and praxis. After this decline, regionalism has made an impressive comeback around the world. The increasing creation of formal structures of regional integration around the world has led to distinguish between the new regionalism of the present and the old regionalism of the 1960s. Despite the problems raised in the past, recent economic policy debate in LDCs has been characterized by a renewed interest in subregional economic integration as a means of stimulating growth and confronting the challenges posed by the increased regionalism in world trading system. In Central America a new attempt has been made to revitalize the Central American Common Market (CACM) created in 1960 by Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. The new integration scheme is still subject to numerous limitations hampering the effective encouragement of the Central American economic development. The objective of this paper is to compare the new CACM with the successful experience of economic integration in the European Union (EU), drawing lessons that may serve to overcome its current limitations. The structure of the rest of the paper is as follows. The first section examines the theoretical basis of the European model of economic integration, identifying the main components which may contribute to explain the rationale of economic integration among LDCs under the old and new regionalism. The second section explores the major features acquired by this European model of economic integration in its implementation, paying particular attention to its legal and institutional system and its set of common actions and policies. After presenting the theory and praxis of the European integration model, the third section carries out a comparison between the EU and the new CACM, taking into account the prevailing structural differences between both regions. The fourth section ends the paper with the major conclusions drawn from that comparison.
2006-02
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8170/1/Ruedafinal.pdf
Rueda-Junquera, Fernando. (2006) European Integration Model: Lessons for the Central American Common Market. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 6 No. 4 February 2006. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8170/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8171
2011-02-15T22:52:36Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Whither Helms-Burton? A Retrospective on the 10th Year Anniversary. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 6 No. 5, February 2006
Perl, Shoshana.
EU-US
EU-Latin America
[From the introduction]. This paper is written as Helms-Burton celebrates its 10 year anniversary, a significant milestone and an appropriate time to analyze what this bill has achieved. Helms-Burton has clearly not accomplished its stated aims of either internationalizing the embargo or of bringing democracy to Cuba, as Castro continues to rule Cuba with his iron fist, and the US remains as isolated as ever in its embargo against Cuba. This paper argues that Helms-Burton was a controversial bill that provoked widespread fears of negative repercussions both on Capitol Hill and in the Clinton White House, many of which were realized, including a prolonged dispute with the European Union. It is therefore no surprise that Helms-Burton has been sparingly implemented; indeed, this paper will highlight evidence of collusion between Washington and Brussels in emasculating the bill.
2006-02
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8171/1/perlfinal.pdf
Perl, Shoshana. (2006) Whither Helms-Burton? A Retrospective on the 10th Year Anniversary. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 6 No. 5, February 2006. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8171/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8173
2011-02-15T22:52:37Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D46:46303138
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The Ibero-American Summit Process: Prospects, future development and incentives for Latin America. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Special November 2006
Roy, Joaquin.
Portugal
regionalism, international
Spain
EU-Latin America
[From the introduction]. On November 4 and 5, 2006, a new Ibero-American summit will take place in Montevideo, Uruguay. This event will be one of the last epoch-making Latin American developments that have attracted attention of political analysts for a long year, among them a dozen presidential elections in Latin America that in part shook the foundations of political behavior and propelled a number of neo-populist leaders to power. While the historical balance of the Ibero-American process that aimed at its birth in 1991 for the formation os an Ibero-American Community of Nations is modest, the current circumstances make it this time an attractive exercise to be closely observed. While Latin America seems to be immersed in a crisis of regional integration, Europe is experiencing growing pains with the result of important casualties such as the derailment of the constitutional ratification in mid 2005. What is new this time in the Ibero-American setting is the inauguration of a new permanent Secretariat with site in Madrid, headed by former President of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) Enrique Iglesias. Also new in the environment is the apparent abandonment of polemic encounters mostly staged by Cuban president Fidel Castro and his nemesis Spain’s Prime Minister José María Aznar. Calculating that a fight did not rendered him the expected results, he skipped recent gatherings (as well as the parallel EU-Latin America summits), leaving the scene to minor stars, much to the satisfaction of the local organizers. The fact that the Cuban leader has announced that he will reintegrate himself as attendant for the summit of Montevideo is a signal that an accommodating negotiation has been reached and that his cooperation for the success is guaranteed, under a friendlier environment.
2006-11
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8173/1/RoyIberoAmericanSpecNov06.pdf
Roy, Joaquin. (2006) The Ibero-American Summit Process: Prospects, future development and incentives for Latin America. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Special November 2006. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8173/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8176
2011-02-15T22:52:38Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Governance in South American Integration: Insights and Encouragement from the European Union. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7 No. 5 April 2007
Kanner, Aimee.
governance: EU & national level
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[From the introduction]. In order to strengthen regional integration in the EU, the European Commission, since 2000, has encouraged improving European governance which became one of the Commission’s strategic objectives. Thus, for the past seven years the Commission has been on a constant quest to improve methods of governance not just in its own daily practices but also in its external affairs. The EU has made the adoption of good governance initiatives a requirement for the allocation of its external regional development funding. With a conceptual framework based on governance, this paper will address to what extent and in what forms the EU, the CAN, and MERCOSUR have adopted practices of good governance, specifically those related to nonhierarchical governance. This qualitative analysis is based on a comprehensive review of original language primary documents from all of these regional organizations, hundreds of news articles, and official speeches. I argue that since 2005 the CAN and MERCOSUR have initiated but not consolidated exercises of good governance, particularly in the social, environmental, and cultural competences.
2007-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8176/1/Kanner_SoAmerIntegr_long07_edi.pdf
Kanner, Aimee. (2007) Governance in South American Integration: Insights and Encouragement from the European Union. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7 No. 5 April 2007. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8176/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8178
2011-02-15T22:52:38Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Caricom: Coming of Age? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7 No. 4 April 2007
Grenade, Wendy C.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[Introduction]. The contemporary global political economy is characterised by synergies and dichotomies between globalism and regionalisms. While this is not new, it has taken on added currency in recent years with the intensification of globalization and trade liberalization. As Hettne and Söderbaum contend, regional integration is “…a complex process of change simultaneously involving state as well as non-state actors and occurring as a result of global, regional, national and local level forces.” For them, regions are viewed as “emerging phenomenon, ambiguously both forming part of and driving, as well as reacting against and modifying the global order.”(1) The European Union (EU) is the most advanced and sophisticated regional project, and provides a useful reference point, as a model of governance beyond the sovereign state. This paper argues, however, that the motivation for regionalism in the North is different from that in the South. As Hettne et al remind us, core regions are coherent, politically strong, well organized at the supranational level, not only economically growing but leading in technological innovation. Core regions are ‘policy-makers’ which organize for the sake of being better able to control the rest of the world, the world outside of their own region and compete among themselves in exercising this influence. Peripheral regions are ‘policy-takers’ since they are politically more turbulent and economically more stagnant. Consequently they have to organize in order to stop the threat of marginalization. At the same time their regional arrangements are fragile and ineffective. (2) Therefore, for the developing world, regional integration is both necessary and problematic. While this is not new, global forces have generated renewed urgency for integration in the South. Within this context the paper examines the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). As the Caribbean seeks to navigate the global environment regional integration continues to be a necessary imperative. As such there have been concrete steps toward deeper integration, for example, the establishment of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) and the launch of the Caribbean Single Market (CSM) in 2005 and 2006 respectively. Yet, despite those visible attempts to deepen integration, the emerging institutional design still caters for a minimalist (3) form of integration. The paper argues that after thirty-four years, the Caribbean is coming of age, but with inherent deficiencies. The paper is structured in three parts. Following this introduction the first section examines some theoretical imperatives. Second, it analyses the current state of Caribbean integration, mindful of the significance of the EU model as a frame of reference. The final section offers conclusions and suggestions for further research.
2007-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8178/1/GrenadeEU50yrs_long07_edi.pdf
Grenade, Wendy C. (2007) Caricom: Coming of Age? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7 No. 4 April 2007. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8178/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8179
2011-02-15T22:52:38Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Obstacles to Regional Integration in Latin America and the Caribbean: Compliance and Implementation Problems. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7 No. 8 April 2007
Mera, Laura Gomez.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
[From the introduction]. The paper draws on International Relations (IR) and International Political Economy (IPE) theoretical perspectives to account for these variations. It argues that the two main perspectives in the debate on compliance with international agreements, the enforcement and management approaches, are useful to account for patterns of cross-national implementation and compliance in Latin America and the Caribbean. Yet, the tendency of these approaches to neglect the role of external influences could prove misleading when examining implementation and compliance gaps in regional trade agreements among developing countries. The paper thus argues that greater attention needs to be paid to external constraints, and in particular, to the role of globalization. The empirical findings presented here suggest that international interdependence and vulnerability have had an impact on the ability and willingness of LAC countries to honor their regional commitments. The paper is structured as follows. The next section begins with a general discussion of the concepts of commitment, compliance and implementation in the IR literature, and then presents the main theoretical perspectives on the sources of non-compliance with international agreements. The third section assesses whether such problems are in fact present in LAC regional agreements by examining different indicators of compliance and implementation. It then examines the sources of commitment problems in LAC regional organizations, focusing specifically on the determinants of practical implementation. The final section summarizes the main empirical results and their theoretical implications and discusses avenues for future research.
2007-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8179/1/GomezMera_ObstRegIntLatAmer_long07_edi.pdf
Mera, Laura Gomez. (2007) Obstacles to Regional Integration in Latin America and the Caribbean: Compliance and Implementation Problems. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7 No. 8 April 2007. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8179/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8181
2011-02-15T22:52:39Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
NAFTA: Will it ever have an EU profile? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7 No. 3 April 2007
Dominguez, Roberto.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
EU-US
[Introduction]. Based on the experiences of regionalization and integration processes, this paper identifies the main transformations North America has undergone as a result of the implementation of NAFTA. The main argument is that the operation of NAFTA has set in motion a process of regionalization in North America and gradually an increasing number of policies encompass a regional dimension. In such process, the pivotal actor is the United States, while Canada and Mexico are reactive partners who seek to defend their domestic interests as well as accommodate themselves in the regional dynamic led by the United States. The emerging regionalism in North America reflects that NAFTA has accomplished some of its goals. Nonetheless, there is an ongoing discussion with regard to the expanded agenda of the region and several proposals have been brought to the academic and political debate. In this regard, five main sections are considered to asses the regionalization of North America. The first introduces some analytical elements about the regionalization in North America; the second shows perceptions of public opinion with regard to the regional agenda; the third refers to the effects of NAFTA, while the fourth evaluates the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SSP) Summits. The fifth presents the case of alternative models for the future of NAFTA.
2007-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8181/1/Dominguez_NAFTA_WillitEver_long07.pdf
Dominguez, Roberto. (2007) NAFTA: Will it ever have an EU profile? Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 7 No. 3 April 2007. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8181/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8190
2011-02-15T22:52:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D6F74686572
The attitude of the European Union and Spain towards Cuba: an assessment, a year after Castro’s illness. EUMA Paper Vol. 4, Special July 2007
Roy, Joaquin.
EU-Latin America
Spain
[Introduction] A year after the dramatic announcement of Fidel Castro’s illness and temporary cession of power to his brother Raúl, the relation between the European Union (EU) and Cuba has returned to a level of normalcy, matching a previous cycle of a freezing attitude expressed by the Cuban authorities and an attempt by European actors to influence or persuade Havana for an opening and the implementation of political and economic reforms.1 After a prolonged period of “wait and see” by Brussels and some of the most active European governments (led by Spain) in their relationship with Cuba they took some initiatives which resulted in a merely ambivalent response by the Cuban government. These were perceived either as a positive move by certain governments, while the response by others has been interpreted as an aggressive. However, when the special EU Council critical conclusions were issued in June of 2007, including an offer made to the Cuban authorities to meet in Brussels, the answer from Havana was violently and publicly negative, topped by a column written by Fidel Castro. In sum, one year after the July 31, 2006 announcement regarding Castro’s health, not much has changed in essence, details and spirit in the peculiar relationship between Europe and Cuba. In spite of specific moves implemented by Madrid, the same assessment can be applied to the current chapter of the “special relationship” between Spain and Cuba.
2007-07
Other
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8190/1/Roy_CubaSpainspecial070722edi.pdf
Roy, Joaquin. (2007) The attitude of the European Union and Spain towards Cuba: an assessment, a year after Castro’s illness. EUMA Paper Vol. 4, Special July 2007. UNSPECIFIED.
http://aei.pitt.edu/8190/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8196
2011-02-15T22:52:44Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303132
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:4430303268726469
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
The EU Model: Can Integration Remedy Central American Underdevelopment? EUMA Papers, Vol. 4 No. 10 April 2007
Solorzano, Leandro R.
development
human rights & democracy initiatives
EU-Latin America
[Introduction]. On April 17th, 2007 the European Union announced it would be giving Central America an aid package totaling 840 million Euros. Commissioner for EU External Relations Benita Ferrero-Waldner said the aid package included an increment of 25% intended to help the Central American region in their integration efforts. Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner reiterated the EU’s continued commitment to help the Central American countries achieve political and social stability through democracy, justice, security, while fighting poverty and protecting the environment.1 The EU’s aid package presented to Central America is just another in a long series of development aid that the EU has given to the region. Historically the EU has been the largest aid donor in the region and has been the main proponent of Central American integration. Central America attempted integration back in 1824, shortly after the nations achieved independence, but it was short lived and was dissolved in 1848. A second attempt at integration was sought in the 1960s in what would have been the first Latin American customs union.2 This ambitious goal was backed by the then six members of the European Economic Community (EEC) and was named the Central American Common Market (CACM). The CACM was envisioned as the ideal tool for the integration of the five Central American countries which were expected to rapidly industrialize and develop.
2007-04
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8196/1/Solorzano%2DEUMA2007_edi.pdf
Solorzano, Leandro R. (2007) The EU Model: Can Integration Remedy Central American Underdevelopment? EUMA Papers, Vol. 4 No. 10 April 2007. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8196/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8204
2011-02-15T22:52:48Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Origin and Evolution of the South American Community of Nations: From Trade to Security Concerns. EUMA Papers, Vol. 4 No. 5 March 2007
Guedes de Oliveira, Marco Aurelio.
regionalism, international
international trade
EU-Latin America
[From the introduction]. This paper shows the decline of trade as a central issue for the integration of South America and discusses the new period of integration in the region marked by security issues. It shows how Brazil proposed the South American Community of Nations (SACN) known also as South American Union (SAU) and what are its main goals. It also shows its differences when compared to Mercosur. The basic argument is that SAU represents a new perspective on regional integration, a new view linked to security concerns, based on geopolitical integration and on a search for a more independent and active political role for the region in global politics.
2007-03
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8204/1/GuedesConference07EUMA_edi.pdf
Guedes de Oliveira, Marco Aurelio. (2007) Origin and Evolution of the South American Community of Nations: From Trade to Security Concerns. EUMA Papers, Vol. 4 No. 5 March 2007. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8204/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8350
2011-02-15T23:46:36Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8400
2020-02-16T19:59:54Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032696E7465726E6174696F6E616C65636F6E6F6D79
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136:4430303230313645617374536F7574686561737441736961
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136:44303032303136536F75746841736961
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Can Multilateralism Survive the Rise of the BRICs? Bruegel Third-Party Papers, July 2005
Pisani-Ferry, Jean.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-US
East and Southeast Asia
South Asia
EU-Latin America
international economy
Russia
This note briefly addresses the issues raised by the rise of the BRICs and their implications for US-EU discussions. Section 1 deals with the economic shock. Section 2 addresses the challenges to multilateralism. Section 3 concludes by raising issues for discussion.
2005-07
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8400/1/EN_Can_Multilateralism_Survive_the_Rise_of_the_BRICs.pdf
Pisani-Ferry, Jean. (2005) Can Multilateralism Survive the Rise of the BRICs? Bruegel Third-Party Papers, July 2005. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8400/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8911
2011-02-15T23:46:40Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8912
2011-02-15T22:57:36Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:4C6973626F6E547265617479
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
European Union-Latin American Relations after Lima and Lisbon. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 6, March 2008
Arias, Aimee Kanner.
EU-Latin America
Lisbon Treaty
[From the Introduction] The fifth European Union-Latin American/Caribbean Summit that took place in Lima, Peru, in May 2008 presented a series of challenges and opportunities for the future relations between these two regions. The fact that current relations are in a period of minor difficulties is not news, nor is the idea that both regions have a vested interest in revitalizing interregional relations, a process to which all relevant actors are at least theoretically committed. The European Commission has addressed this situation by commissioning a “Study on Relations between the European Union and Latin America: New Strategies and Perspectives”, and by proposing in December 2005 a renewed strategy for “A Stronger Partnership between the European Union and Latin America”.
2008-03
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8912/1/KannerEU_LACrelationsEdiEUMA08.pdf
Arias, Aimee Kanner. (2008) European Union-Latin American Relations after Lima and Lisbon. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 6, March 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8912/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:8915
2011-02-15T22:57:38Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303132
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The Caribbean Chicken and Egg: Applying Lessons from the European Court of Justice to the Caribbean Court of Justice. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 10, April 2008
Perez, Fernando Alvarez.
EU-Latin America
European Court of Justice/Court of First Instance
[From the Introduction] There is much scholarship on the institutional and political problems faced by the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) and CARICOM. Much of it is excellent scholarship, especially the enlightening perspective and analysis offered by Wendy Grenade. However, there is very little analysis that places the CCJ as a case of a much larger phenomenon – legal integration. The following analysis seeks to do just that, by employing the theories of legal analyses and the lessons of the ECJ to the CCJ. However, before beginning, one caveat is needed: the idea that the ECJ is an exceptional model and the only such example of a certain ideal in existence does not imply that Latin America (or the world in general) should try to replicate it. However, there is no more perfect example of supranational legal integration in existence. As such, when one does wish to consider this ideal, the ECJ is the only reasonable point of reference. The following analysis assumes a goal of integration (general and legal) within CARICOM. Since the EU and ECJ are the greatest examples of these forms of integration, it also assumes that the model to replicate can be found in the ECJ and the political environment that the ECJ evolved in. If this seems Eurocentric, it is, because it aims to be so.
2008-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/8915/1/AlvarezCaribCt2008Edi.pdf
Perez, Fernando Alvarez. (2008) The Caribbean Chicken and Egg: Applying Lessons from the European Court of Justice to the Caribbean Court of Justice. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 5 No. 10, April 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/8915/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9022
2011-02-15T22:58:23Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The EU and Brazil: Trading Partners in Different Fora. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 8, No. 11 June 2008
Leal-Arcas, Rafael.
international trade
EU-Latin America
[From the Introduction] This paper aims at understanding the potential of partnership of the European Union (EU) with Brazil, focusing on international trade law and policy. Although the power base of Brazil is its respective region, there may be specific policy areas in which its influence might be global. (1) With this in mind, the paper raises interesting questions: is the EU an attractive partner for Brazil? Does the EU want cooperation with Brazil? What are the characteristics of Brazil? What are the EU’s priorities in its foreign trade policy? With which instruments can the EU engage Brazil and how can the EU internal coordination be ensured?
2008-06
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9022/1/LealArcasBrazilTradeLong08Edi.pdf
Leal-Arcas, Rafael. (2008) The EU and Brazil: Trading Partners in Different Fora. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 8, No. 11 June 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/9022/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9064
2011-02-15T22:58:41Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Lessons from the Andean Community Integration. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series. Vol. 6, No. 12 June 2006
Casas-Grangea, Angel M.
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
[From the Introduction]. Ever since it was born in the sixties, the Andean Regional Integration Process has attempted to become a strategy to promote a harmonious and balanced development among the Andean Countries. This paper has tree mains goals: (a) To explain and analyse the theoretical concept of the Andean New Regionalism in the framework of Latin American region in a comparative perspective with the European Model of Regional Integration; (b) To show the coexistence of two different regional integration models. Where the dominating one during the sixties was known as old regionalism, and the other that is currently being used is known as new regionalism, and (c) To analyse the way in which this coexistence appears to be an obstacle for the Andean countries to define their regional integration model and to advance toward their main goal: the balanced and harmonious development of each and every country member.
2006-06
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9064/1/casasfinal.pdf
Casas-Grangea, Angel M. (2006) Lessons from the Andean Community Integration. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series. Vol. 6, No. 12 June 2006. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/9064/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9069
2011-02-15T22:58:42Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
After the Storm: The Politics of the Post-CAFTA US Trade Agenda. The Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 1, No. 1 October 2005
Jacobstein, Eric.
EU-US
regionalism, international
international trade
EU-Latin America
[From the Introduction] Over a year after US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick and Central American trade ministers signed the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), the small, bilateral accord was able to squeeze through the US Congress with a close 217-215 vote in the House of Representatives on July 27, 2005. Congressional approval followed months of uncertainty. While the White House deservedly claims CAFTA as a victory, the nature of the CAFTA victory confirms the near-total collapse of a bipartisan trade consensus in Washington. Eleventh hour side deals and arm twisting made CAFTA’s passage in the House of Representatives possible. However, such a strategy does not bode well for future bilateral and multilateral trade agreements with Latin America. The current Andean Free Trade Agreement – which the US is negotiating with Colombia, Ecuador and Peru (with Bolivia participating as an observer) – is next on deck but even when negotiations are completed, it stands little chance of reaching a vote in the US Congress before the 2006 congressional elections in which all members of the House of Representatives and some Senators stand for re-election. Partisan politics is the biggest obstacle currently standing in the way of a more productive US trade agenda with the Americas. Constituent and sectorial concerns clearly block free trade. The sugar lobby, for example, contributed to congress’s challenge in passing CAFTA. However, bitter partisanship will continue to be the greatest challenge to greater free trade with the Americas in the coming period.
2005-10
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9069/1/Jacobsteinfinal.pdf
Jacobstein, Eric. (2005) After the Storm: The Politics of the Post-CAFTA US Trade Agenda. The Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 1, No. 1 October 2005. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/9069/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9597
2020-02-16T20:01:53Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032696E7465726E6174696F6E616C65636F6E6F6D79
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136:4430303230313645617374536F7574686561737441736961
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136:44303032303136536F75746841736961
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:676C6F62616C69736174696F6E676C6F62616C697A6174696F6E
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Europe and Global Economic Governance. College of Europe EU Diplomacy Paper 2/2008, February 2008
Padoan, Pier-Carlo.
East and Southeast Asia
South Asia
EU-Latin America
international economy
Russia
globalisation/globalization
All long-term scenarios confirm that over the next fifteen to twenty years, Europe’s relative economic weight will shrink as that of new emerging economies – Brazil, Russia, India, and China (the so-called BRICS) – rises. On the one hand, this is a positive development insofar as it adds new engines to world growth, but on the other hand, imbalances are now appearing in energy markets, environmental sustainability, and financial stability. One of the major consequences of globalization is the growing interconnection among markets and, consequently, the growing interdependence of the four main international economic policies: in trade, in competition, in the supervision and regulation of international financial markets, and in monetary relations. With the exception of Europe, leading players of the global system are sovereign states, including the BRICS, for which the policy coordination issue arises only in terms of national interest and national institutions. However, the EU’s external economic policy still bears a problem of dysfunctional governance. If this issue is not addressed properly, an unavoidable consequence is a loss of European influence over the management of international economic relations.
2008-02
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9597/1/EDP_2_2008.Padoan.pdf
Padoan, Pier-Carlo. (2008) Europe and Global Economic Governance. College of Europe EU Diplomacy Paper 2/2008, February 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/9597/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9885
2011-02-15T23:46:57Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:9891
2011-02-15T23:04:48Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D626F6F6B
Sirve el diálogo político entre la Unión Europea y América Latina? = Is it worthwhile to have a political dialogue between the EU and Latin America?
Sanahuja, Jose Antonio
Alemany, Cecilia
Gratius, Susanne
Freres, Christian
Diamint, Rut
Maihold, Günther
EU-Latin America
Fundación Carolina / instituto Complutense de Estudios Internacionales / FRIDE
Freres, Christian
Gratius, Susanne
Mallo, Tomás
Pellicer, Ana
Sanahuja, Jose Antonio.
2007
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/9891/1/Carolina%2DICEI_DT15.pdf
Sanahuja, Jose Antonio and Alemany, Cecilia and Gratius, Susanne and Freres, Christian and Diamint, Rut and Maihold, Günther (2007) Sirve el diálogo político entre la Unión Europea y América Latina? = Is it worthwhile to have a political dialogue between the EU and Latin America? Fundación Carolina / instituto Complutense de Estudios Internacionales / FRIDE, p. 209.
http://aei.pitt.edu/9891/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11008
2020-01-09T21:21:05Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D46:46303036
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D46:46303234
7375626A656374733D46:46303031
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D46:46303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
7375626A656374733D46:46303033
7375626A656374733D46:46303130
7375626A656374733D46:666368696E61
7375626A656374733D46:46303232
7375626A656374733D46:46303131
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Exports and productivity – comparable evidence for 14 countries. NBB Working Papers No. 128, 13 February 2008
International Study Group on Exports and Productivity, The.
EU-Latin America
Austria
Belgium
Denmark
France
Germany
Ireland
Italy
Slovenia
Spain
Sweden
U.K.
China
international trade
Consisting of teams working with firm-leve data, the International Study Group on Exports and Productivity has used comparable micro-level panel data for 14 countries and a set of identically specified empirical models to investigate the relationship between exports and productivity. The overall results are in line with the big picture that is by now familiar from the literature: exporters are more productive than non-exporters when observed and unobserved heterogeneity are controlled for, and these exporter productivity premia tend to increase with the share of exports in total sales; there is strong evidence in favour of self-selection of more productive firms into export markets, but almost no evidence in favour of the learning-by-exporting hypothesis. The authors document that the exporter premia differ considerably across countries in identically specified empirical models. In a meta-analysis of the results they find that countries which are more open and have more effective government tend to report higher productivity premia. However, the level of development per se does not appear to offer an explanation for the observed cross-country differences.
2008-02
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11008/1/wp128En.pdf
International Study Group on Exports and Productivity, The. (2008) Exports and productivity – comparable evidence for 14 countries. NBB Working Papers No. 128, 13 February 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11008/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11047
2011-02-15T23:12:20Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Problems and Opportunities for the Incoming Obama Administration. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 9 No. 6, March 2009
Burgsdorff, Sven Kühn von.
EU-US
EU-Latin America
[Introduction]. The paper attempts to shed some light on the challenges the new US administration is likely to face when addressing the contentious issue of American policy towards Cuba. An informed discussion of the problems and opportunities this may imply for the Obama administration will have to take into account the lessons of past policy approaches, notably the effect of the 47 year old US embargo against Cuba. On the basis of a critical analysis of past experience tentative answers to the following questions need to be found, in particular: What are the prospects for economic and political change in Cuba? Is the US offer to lift the embargo a credible ‘bargaining chip’ in future US-Cuban relations? Will the new administration attempt to fundamentally overhaul the traditional policy towards Cuba in the short to medium term? What are the more likely steps the new administration might be willing to take in the next two years? In what way and to what extent will possible US policy changes towards Cuba impact on US foreign relations and in particular with respect to the countries of the Western Hemisphere?
2009-03
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11047/1/vonBurgsdorfUSvsCubalong09edi.pdf
Burgsdorff, Sven Kühn von. (2009) Problems and Opportunities for the Incoming Obama Administration. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, Vol. 9 No. 6, March 2009. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11047/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11049
2011-02-15T23:12:20Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D6F74686572
The Cuban Revolution (1959-2009) and the European Union: a documentary selection of Statements and Declarations. EUMA Special Papers, January 2009
Roy, Joaquín.
EU-Latin America
No Abstract.
2009-01
Other
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11049/1/roy%2DappendixFinal.pdf
Roy, Joaquín. (2009) The Cuban Revolution (1959-2009) and the European Union: a documentary selection of Statements and Declarations. EUMA Special Papers, January 2009. UNSPECIFIED.
http://aei.pitt.edu/11049/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11053
2011-02-15T23:12:23Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Cuba: transición, sucesión, estabilidad, seguridad --contexto de la actuación europea. = Cuba: transition, succession, stability, security - context of European action. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Special, December 2008
Roy, Joaquín.
EU-Latin America
No abstract.
2008-12
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11053/1/RoyCuseg10_081229SpecialEdi_(2).pdf
Roy, Joaquín. (2008) Cuba: transición, sucesión, estabilidad, seguridad --contexto de la actuación europea. = Cuba: transition, succession, stability, security - context of European action. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Special, December 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11053/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11058
2011-02-15T23:12:26Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:676C6F62616C69736174696F6E676C6F62616C697A6174696F6E
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Globalization and Varieties of Capitalism: Lessons for Latin America. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 8 No. 18, September 2008
Royo, Sebastián.
globalisation/globalization
EU-Latin America
In the opinion of some scholars, globalisation is imposing exigencies of increasing competitiveness on national economies that have compelled countries to deregulate their labour markets, welfare systems, and industrial relations. According to this view, these impetuses for change are pressuring countries to move towards an Anglo-Saxon model of capitalism. This paper will challenge the interpretation according to which the responses of countries to these pressures are uniform. Countries have choices and there is not a single model of capitalism that allows countries to be successful in a global economy. This paper will draw from the Varieties of Capitalism literature to outline lessons for Latin American countries.
2008-09
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11058/1/RoyoGlobalLAlong08.pdf
Royo, Sebastián. (2008) Globalization and Varieties of Capitalism: Lessons for Latin America. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 8 No. 18, September 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11058/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11059
2011-02-15T23:12:26Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Some Reflections on the Relationship between Politicians and Politics in Latin America after Twenty Five Years of Democracy. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol.8 No.1, January 2008
Sáez, Manuel Alcántara.
EU-Latin America
Almost three decades after democratic transition numerous political reforms have appeared. No country in the region, with the obvious exception of Cuba, has been left out of this wave of political transformations. Profound constitutional reforms, decentralization processes, and changes in the relationships between the branches of government, in electoral laws and in rules regarding political participation are just some of the transformations experienced by Latin American polities. As of 2007, the agenda of political reforms is patently open in Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela, and also important in Brazil, Chile, El Salvador, Nicaragua and Peru.
2008-01
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11059/1/AlcanteraLongLAdemocracies08edi.pdf
Sáez, Manuel Alcántara. (2008) Some Reflections on the Relationship between Politicians and Politics in Latin America after Twenty Five Years of Democracy. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol.8 No.1, January 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11059/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11507
2011-02-15T23:15:05Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303132
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706767656E6572616C
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Transnational Integration Regimes as Development Programs. CES Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No. 67, November 2008
Bruszt, Laszlo
McDermott, Gerald A.
EU-US
general
development
EU-Central and Eastern Europe
EU-Latin America
In drawing on recent advances in international and comparative political economy, this paper argues that diverging paths of institutional development among emerging market democracies are driven by the Transnational Integration Regimes (TIRs), in which a country is embedded. TIRs are more than trade agreements, aid projects, or harmonization systems and should be viewed as development programs. To date, research on the role of international factors shaping local institutional development has done little to move beyond references to markets and hegemonic hierarchies as the main mechanisms of change, compliance, and commitment. This work is largely based on a depoliticized view of institutional change, and overlooks the growing literature on the evolution of regulative capitalism and the diverse patterns of transnationalizing the modern state. By integrating this latter work into our analysis, we show how TIRs differ less in terms of their incentives and largess and more in terms of their emphasis on building institutional capacities and ability to merge monitoring and learning at both the national and supranational levels. We develop a comparative framework to show these systematic differences through an analysis of the impact of the EU Accession Process on postcommunist countries and NAFTA on Mexico.
2008-11
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11507/1/Bruszt_McDermott.pdf
Bruszt, Laszlo and McDermott, Gerald A. (2008) Transnational Integration Regimes as Development Programs. CES Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series No. 67, November 2008. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11507/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11798
2011-02-15T23:47:22Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11869
2020-02-16T19:56:41Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D46:46303334
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136:4430303230313645617374536F7574686561737441736961
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136:44303032303136536F75746841736961
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
A BRIC in the world: Emerging powers, Europe and the coming order. Egmont Paper No. 31, October 2009
Renard, Thomas.
East and Southeast Asia
South Asia
EU-Latin America
Russia
Based on the analysis of several indicators, this paper refines the "BRIC dream" into a more realistic BR-I-C scenario in which China appears to be the real story and the only emerging power that can challenge the US in the coming years. India will follow the path of China but its emergence will be slower and in all less impressive. Brazil and Russia are probably the least emergent among the emerging powers, but this is not to say that they are not emerging. What place will be left for the EU in this coming interpolar order? According to most indicators, Europe has the appearance of a global power. However, there is a natural reluctance to join the words 'Europe' and 'global power' together. Indeed, the EU is not a power in the classical sense of the term for the very good reason that it is not a state in the classical sense of the term either. But if global power is defined as the capacity to have an influence at the global level, then the EU has certainly some global power, for it is a leading voice in many important affairs, such as the fight against climate change. To become a true global power or even a great power, i.e. a major pole in the coming order, the EU will need a more coherent approach and a more integrated strategy.
2009-10
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11869/1/ep31.pdf
Renard, Thomas. (2009) A BRIC in the world: Emerging powers, Europe and the coming order. Egmont Paper No. 31, October 2009. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11869/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11926
2011-02-15T23:17:20Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:737067656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303038
74797065733D626F6F6B
La cohesión social en el marco del diálogo político Unión Europea-América Latina: visiones y perspectivas desde Europa. = Social cohesion in the political dialogue EU-Latin America: Visions and Perspectives from Europe
Sanahuja, José Antonio José Antonio
cohesion policy
EU-Latin America
general
José Antonio Sanahuja
José Antonio Sanahuja, José Antonio José Antonio
2009
Book
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11926/1/BID%2DCE_Sanahuja.pdf
Sanahuja, José Antonio José Antonio (2009) La cohesión social en el marco del diálogo político Unión Europea-América Latina: visiones y perspectivas desde Europa. = Social cohesion in the political dialogue EU-Latin America: Visions and Perspectives from Europe. José Antonio Sanahuja, pp. 65-100.
http://aei.pitt.edu/11926/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11927
2011-02-15T23:17:20Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303132
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D696D6D6967726174696F6E706F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
The European Union and Latin America: the common agenda after the Lima Summit. ICEI Paper 07, July 2008
Sanahuja, J José Antonio
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
regionalism, international
development
EU-Latin America
immigration policy
environmental policy (including international arena)
The Fifth EU-Latin America and the Caribbean Summit,held in Lima (Perú) in May 2008, revealed in an apparent paradox both the dynamism of the biregional relations, as well as the decreasing interest that the Summits elicit on both parties. This paper reviews the agenda of the bi-regional relationship, analyzing the issues of EU-LAC trade talks, migration, development and environment.
2008
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11927/1/ICEIpaper07%2D_trad_English.pdf
Sanahuja, J José Antonio (2008) The European Union and Latin America: the common agenda after the Lima Summit. ICEI Paper 07, July 2008. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11927/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:11928
2011-02-15T23:17:20Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303132
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
The effectiveness of European Union development cooperation with Latin America: assessment and perspectives
Sanahuja, José Antonio
regionalism, international
development
EU-Latin America
This document examines EU development cooperation with Latin America, considering, first, the changes in the international development agenda that are relevant to the region, including the debate about the relevance and methods of cooperation with middle-income countries (MICs), the implementation of the Paris Declaration about the effectiveness of aid and South-South development cooperation in Latin America, in the context of the redefinition of regionalism and integration in this region. Second, it analyses EU cooperation with Latin America, considering especially its regional dimension, the strategies adopted, and the challenge represented by adapting cooperation to the creation of a ‘network’ of association agreements on which it is intended to base bi-regional relations. Special attention is paid to cooperation in science and technology, an increasingly important area of cooperation with the region, particularly with upper MICs.
2008-04
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/11928/1/PE_2008_EN.pdf
Sanahuja, José Antonio (2008) The effectiveness of European Union development cooperation with Latin America: assessment and perspectives. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/11928/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:14475
2011-02-15T23:33:56Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303132
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Steuerung in der EU-Entwicklungszusammenarbeit mit Kolumbien: Das Beispiel Segundo Laboratorio de Paz. = Steering in the European development cooperation with Colombia: The example of Segundo Laboratorio de Paz. TAIF Nr. 4/2010
Klink, Dennis.
development
EU-Latin America
In the framework of its strategic partnership with Latin America, the EU plays an important role for Colombia as political actor and as donor of development aid. In contrast to the US-programme Plan Colombia – focusing on military elements – the European approach is based on soft power, whereas Development Cooperation (DC) is an important element of such strategies. For DC activities, however, Colombia represents a highly complex and challenging environment. Most of the parameters undermining sustainable development are closely linked to the internal conflict and its various dimensions. To face the challenges of multidimensionality, the European Commission’s DC strategy for Colombia is centred on the Peace Laboratories (laboratorios de paz). As the major tool for DC in Colombia, the peace laboratories represent a network of governmental as well as non-governmental organisations that are located on different levels aiming to implement sustainable policies effectively. This paper analyses the European Commission’s steering tools in the Second Peace Laboratory and assesses their performance. Based on those results, the European Commission’s role as major steering actor within the programme will be evaluated. To identify steering tools, the classical approach of steering theory developed by Renate Manytz and Fritz W. Scharpf will build the framework of the analysis by categorizing tools in the four major steering strategies regulation, financing, structuring, and informing. Methodologically, the research design focuses on qualitative interviews and observations.
2010
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/14475/1/Klink_TAIF4_2009.pdf
Klink, Dennis. (2010) Steuerung in der EU-Entwicklungszusammenarbeit mit Kolumbien: Das Beispiel Segundo Laboratorio de Paz. = Steering in the European development cooperation with Colombia: The example of Segundo Laboratorio de Paz. TAIF Nr. 4/2010. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/14475/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:14998
2011-02-15T23:37:39Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:443030316C61776C6567616C61666661697273
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303132
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Microsoft Corporation vs. the U.S. Court of Justice and the European Community. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 9, No. 10, June 2009
Lorca, Francisco J.
EU-US
law & legal affairs-general (includes international law)
EU-Latin America
European Court of Justice/Court of First Instance
No abstract.
2009-06
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/14998/1/Microsoft.pdf
Lorca, Francisco J. (2009) Microsoft Corporation vs. the U.S. Court of Justice and the European Community. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 9, No. 10, June 2009. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/14998/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:14999
2011-02-15T23:37:39Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Economic relations between the European Union and Central America: building a bi-regional association. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 9, No. 11, October 2009
Rueda-Junquera, Fernando.
international trade
EU-Latin America
Unlike the United States, the European Union (EU) did traditionally not have motivations to privilege its relations with Central America.1 The economic, political and geostrategic interests in the region are modest, as compared with those existing in other groups of less developed countries (LDCs) such as the so-called African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP countries) and the Southern and Oriental Mediterranean countries (MEDA countries). Nevertheless, the threat of an internationalization of the Central American conflict after the victory of the Sandinista Front in Nicaragua in 1979, was able to attract EU’s attention towards the region and encourage a greater involvement in it. The EU took the initiative in institutionalizing a political dialogue –the San José Dialogue–,2 which has facilitated the signing of three multilateral cooperation agreements between the two regions in 1985, 1993 and 2003. The subscription of the last Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement in 2003 opened the possibility of strengthening the bi-regional relations, which had been losing dynamism since the end of the Central American conflict. The chosen way has been the negotiation of an Association Agreement (AA), including –in addition to political dialogue and cooperation – the establishment of a bi-regional free trade area. The results of this negotiation initiated in 2007, will condition the future of the relations between both regions. This paper aims at assessing the bi-regional economic relations in the context of the aforementioned negotiation. With this purpose, the paper is divided into four sections. The first two ones present respectively, the state of the trade and financial relations. After that, the third section analyzes the background to the negotiation of the AA and the major negotiation issues. The fourth and last section provides the main conclusions drawn from that analysis.
2009-10
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/14999/1/RuedaCAlongOct09edi.pdf
Rueda-Junquera, Fernando. (2009) Economic relations between the European Union and Central America: building a bi-regional association. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 9, No. 11, October 2009. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/14999/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:15000
2011-02-15T23:37:39Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:4430303268726469
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Diffusion of EU norms in Latin America: the cases of Mexico, Venezuela and Honduras. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 10, No. 1, February 2010
Dominguez, Roberto.
human rights & democracy initiatives
EU-Latin America
This paper analyzes the EU norm-diffusion towards Latin America. The objective is to discuss the prospects of success for EU democracy and human rights promotion policies in the region. Theoretically, the paper discusses three stages for the study of EU norm diffusion in Latin American countries. The first is the setting for diffusion of norms, the second is the strength of positive and negative conditionality and the third the conditions of the norm-takers to embrace the orientation of EU values, develop a sense of ownership and enhance the dialogue with the EU. Unlike the Central and Eastern European countries where the prospects of membership were strong incentives for internalizing EU norms, the transformative power of the EU is limited in Latin America and Asia. Nonetheless, depending on the sub-region or the country in Latin American, the EU norm-diffusion policies have a diverse impact on the internalization of democratic values, practices of rule of law and human rights. In light of this, the paper empirically selects three contrasting cases: Mexico, Venezuela and Honduras. The paper is divided in four sections. After presenting an overview of the studies on external influence of democratization processes, the second section explains the analytical framework of the paper; the third section emphasizes the problem of the quality of democracy in Latin America and the fourth presents three case studies.
2010-02
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/15000/1/DominguezEU_LatinAmNormDiffFeb10Edi.pdf
Dominguez, Roberto. (2010) Diffusion of EU norms in Latin America: the cases of Mexico, Venezuela and Honduras. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 10, No. 1, February 2010. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/15000/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:15002
2011-02-15T23:37:40Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
EU-Latin American Parliamentary relations: some preliminary comments on the EUROLAT. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 10, No. 3, April 2010
Stavridis, Stelios
Ajenjo, Natalia.
European Parliament
regionalism, international
EU-Latin America
The paper will therefore consider one particular aspect of EU-Latin American parliamentary relations. It will offer a snapshot of the way those relations have materialized and developed over the past few years. Its objective is to fill an important gap in the literature. What follows will consist of four main parts. First, there will be an overview of the wider EU-Latin American relations. Second, a number of other parliamentary organizations dealing with European and Latin American regional processes will be briefly presented. Those two parts will allow for a better understanding of the wider context of the EUROLAT creation and development. Third, the bulk of this paper will deal with the EUROLAT itself, and in particular its structure, functions, and main activities to date. Finally, drawing from the literature on parliamentary diplomacy and on regional parliaments, the fourth part will present a number of other activities that the EUROLAT could develop in the future. The paper thus consists of 4 parts: 1. EU-Latin American relations 2. parliamentary organizations in European and Latin American regional processes 3. the EUROLAT (structure, functions, main activities). 4. the EUROLAT (potential for the future).
2010-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/15002/1/StavridisAjenjoEULATlongEdi[1].pdf
Stavridis, Stelios and Ajenjo, Natalia. (2010) EU-Latin American Parliamentary relations: some preliminary comments on the EUROLAT. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 10, No. 3, April 2010. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/15002/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:15101
2011-02-15T23:38:25Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D696D6D6967726174696F6E706F6C696379
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Latin American reactions to the adoption of the returns directive. CEPS Liberty and Security in Europe, November 2009
Arcarazo, Diego A.
immigration policy
EU-Latin America
In December 2008, the EU Council adopted the so-called ‘Returns Directive’ with the aim of devising common standards and procedures to be applied in Member States for returning illegally staying third-country nationals. Among its more controversial provisions are the exclusion of some irregular migrants from its scope, the possibility to detain a migrant for a period up to 18 months, the possibility of a re-entry ban into the EU for a period of 5 years and the chance to detain and return unaccompanied minors. These provisions, among others, have provoked much criticism from international organisations and from Latin American countries in particular, which are a major source of immigrants to the EU. This Policy Brief looks at the Returns Directive in light of its effect on the EU’s external relations, especially with Latin America, and scrutinises the way in which member states are implementing its provisions and recommends options to transpose it, taking into consideration the concerns expressed by Latin America
2009-11
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/15101/1/latin%2Damerican%2Dreactions%2Dadoption%2Dreturns%2Ddirective.pdf
Arcarazo, Diego A. (2009) Latin American reactions to the adoption of the returns directive. CEPS Liberty and Security in Europe, November 2009. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/15101/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:15184
2016-01-30T17:22:07Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:656661454D55454D536575726F
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7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303136
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:6663723230303839
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:65666153696E676C654D61726B6574:65666153696E676C654D61726B65746361706974616C676F6F64737365727669636573
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:6566616D6F6E6574617279706F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:65666166697363616C706F6C696379
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Whither growth in Central and Eastern Europe? Policy lessons for an integrated Europe. Bruegel Blueprint Series No. 11, November 2010
Becker, Torbjorn
Daianu, Daniel
Darvas, Zsolt
Gligorov, Vladimir
Landesmann, Michael
Petrovic, Pavle
Pisani-Ferry, Jean
Rosati, Dariusz
Sapir, Andre
Weder di Mauro, Beatrice.
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
monetary policy
fiscal policy
capital, goods, services, workers
regionalism, international
EU-Central and Eastern Europe
financial crisis 2008-on/reforms/economic governance
EU-Latin America
EMU/EMS/euro
EU-Asia-general
This report examines the impact of the economic crisis on the countries of central and eastern Europe (CESEE) and draws out the main policy lessons. Until the crisis hit, CESEE countries had been pursuing a distinctive model of growth and catch-up through integration with the European Union, although not all countries had achieved the same level of integration with the EU. The crisis was a major challenge for the policies pursued in many CESEE countries, and the region was hit by the crisis much harder than other parts of the emerging world, and is also recovering more slowly. In chapter 1, we compare the pre-crisis development model of the central, eastern and south-eastern Europe (CESEE) region with similar countries in Asia and Latin America and study the impact of the crisis. We highlight that the CESEE growth model was fundamentally different from models in other emerging country regions, but also that it had two variants. The first, which characterised most central European countries, was by and large appropriate and sustainable. But there is a second group of CESEE countries (we call it the Baltic-Balkan group) in which the same overall growth model led to widespread misallocation of resources and unsustainable growth trajectories. These countries are undergoing a much more painful recovery from the crisis. In chapter 2 we scrutinise more closely the growth model of the region. We study the short-run challenges and the medium- to longer-run issues, focusing on behavioural adjustments occurring within the countries of the region in the wake of the crisis and on changes in the external environment. We discuss policy issues to make the re-oriented growth model sustainable and successful. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 examine three key policy areas: exchange-rate policy, financial stability and fiscal sustainability. We identify a strong role for exchange-rate policy both in the unsustainable pre-crisis developments of a number of countries and in their dramatic response to the crisis. However, concerning the other two main policy areas, it is true more generally that even more conservative domestic financial regulation and supervision and fiscal policy could not have crisis-proofed those CESEE countries which, even before the crisis, had double-digit current-account deficits. Looking forward, improving supply side conditions and competitiveness will be a key challenge for most countries in the region. Massive cross-border holdings in CESEE banks pose significant challenges to financial regulation and we highlight a large number of unresolved issues, while for fiscal sustainability we are cautiously optimistic, but certainly more optimistic than most analysts who call for overly strict, and hence pro-cyclical, fiscal policy. In our concluding chapter 6, we raise policy issues for the CESEE countries and the EU. The general conclusion is that the benefits of EU integration for countries that are catching up are conditional on the quality of national policies and of the EU framework itself. In both respects we point out past failings and suggest strategic improvements. Reorienting the growth model in those countries that entered a shunt-line before the crisis will be hard because of their legacies, but that there is no other path to follow in order to make the EU’s eastern enlargement a lasting economic success story.
2010-11
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/15184/1/101124_bp_zd_whither_growth.pdf
Becker, Torbjorn and Daianu, Daniel and Darvas, Zsolt and Gligorov, Vladimir and Landesmann, Michael and Petrovic, Pavle and Pisani-Ferry, Jean and Rosati, Dariusz and Sapir, Andre and Weder di Mauro, Beatrice. (2010) Whither growth in Central and Eastern Europe? Policy lessons for an integrated Europe. Bruegel Blueprint Series No. 11, November 2010. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/15184/metadataPrefix%3Doai_dc%26offset%3D15185%26set%3D7375626A656374733D44%253A44303032%253A44303032303232