2024-03-28T12:24:49Zhttp://aei.pitt.edu/cgi/oai2
oai:aei.pitt.edu:68
2011-02-15T22:14:46Z
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7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D72657669657765737361797375626A656374
European Foreign, Security, and Defense Policy
Ginsberg, Roy
Smith, Michael E.
Smith, Hazel
Carlsnaes, Walter
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
[Introduction by Mark A. Pollack, series editor]. This EUSA Review Forum examines an increasingly important aspect of the EU’s global role: its pursuit of a common foreign, security, and (potentially) defense policy. Although the EU has made great strides in foreign policy cooperation over the past few decades, especially when compared to similar efforts in other regional organizations, it still faces a number of challenges in attempting to enhance its foreign policy capabilities in light of the current debate on the EU’s constitutional structure. The following essays by four EUSA members provide various perspectives on some of these challenges, focusing on the complex interplay between policy outcomes, institutional arrangements, and the EU’s growing ambitions in security/defense affairs.
European Union Studies Association
Staats, Valerie
2003
Review Essay
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/68/1/CFSPForumWinter03.pdf
Ginsberg, Roy and Smith, Michael E. and Smith, Hazel and Carlsnaes, Walter (2003) European Foreign, Security, and Defense Policy. [Review Essay]
http://aei.pitt.edu/68/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:69
2011-02-15T22:14:46Z
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7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D72657669657765737361797375626A656374
CESDP After 11 September: From Short-term Confusion to Long-Term Cohesion?
Howorth, Jolyon
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
[Abstract by Archive of European Integration editor]. This essay discusses the new challenges to CESDP - technically a subset of CFSP - arising from September 11 and European responses.
European Union Studies Association
Staats, Valerie
2002
Review Essay
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/69/1/CESDPAfter11September.html
Howorth, Jolyon (2002) CESDP After 11 September: From Short-term Confusion to Long-Term Cohesion? [Review Essay]
http://aei.pitt.edu/69/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:162
2011-02-15T22:14:49Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Das Projekt der gemeinsamen europäischen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (GESVP): Entwicklungen und Perspektiven = The Project of the Common European Security and Defense Policy: Developments and Perspectives. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 116
Fröhlich, Stefan
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
[From the Introduction.] Im Verlauf des Kosovo-Konflikts wurde erneut offenbar, daß die Europäer bei der Bewältigung einer größeren Krise weiterhin auf das Eingreifen der USA angewiesen sind: Mehr als 70 Prozent aller Einsätze wurden von den Amerikanern geflogen und mehr als 80 Prozent der verwandten Munition stammten von den USA. Seit Anfang der neunziger Jahre wurde die Zuständigkeit der EU im Bereich Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zwar systematisch ausgebaut und parallel zum Amsterdamer Vertrag eröffnete sich in der NATO die Möglichkeit, die europäische Säule durch die Entwicklung einer Europäischen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungsidentität zu stärken. Auch wurde von allen Mitgliedstaaten im Prinzip anerkannt, daß die Integration der Außen-, Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik Voraussetzung ist für die Schaffung einer Politischen Union, die Herausbildung einer globalen Ordnungsmacht und Gleichrangigkeit gegenüber den USA. Dennoch gelang es der EU nicht, den fehlenden militärischen Unterbau zur Umsetzung der ambitiösen Ziele der GASP einzurichten. Bemerkenswerterweise ging die Initiative zur Schaffung. Zur Entwicklung der GASP: Elfriede Regelsberger, Philippe de Schoutheete de Tervarent, Wolfgang Wessels (Hrsg.), Foreign Policy of the European Union: Stefan Fröhlich geeigneter eigener Streitkräfte bereits vor dem Kosovo-Einsatz ausgerechnet vom Regierungschef jenes Mitgliedslandes aus, das die engsten Bindungen zu den USA unterhält und traditionell auf die NATO als wichtigstes Instrument militärischer Sicherheit setzt. Gemeinsam mit dem französischen Staatspräsidenten Chirac setzte Blair beim bilateralen Gipfeltreffen in Saint Malo im Dezember 1998 ein entscheidendes Signal in Richtung der Verwirklichung des zweiten europäischen "Großprojekts" nach der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion. Im Mittelpunkt der Erklärung von Saint Malo stand die Forderung nach der Fähigkeit der EU zu selbständigem, auf glaubwürdige militärische Kräfte gestütztem Handeln, den Mitteln zur Entscheidung über den Einsatz dieser Kräfte und der Bereitschaft dazu, um auf internationale Krisen reagieren zu können. Dies schloß die Verantwortung des Europäischen Rates ein, über die schrittweise Verwirklichung einer gemeinsamen Verteidigungspolitik im Rahmen der GASP nachzudenke.
2002
Discussion Paper
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/162/1/dp_c116_froehlich.pdf
Fröhlich, Stefan (2002) Das Projekt der gemeinsamen europäischen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (GESVP): Entwicklungen und Perspektiven = The Project of the Common European Security and Defense Policy: Developments and Perspectives. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 116. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/162/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:165
2011-02-15T22:14:49Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303431
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Serbien - zwei Jahre nach Milosevics Sturz = Serbia - two years after the fall of Milosevic. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 114
Eiff, Hansjörg
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
conflict resolution/crisis management
Serbia/Montenegro (to June 2006)
[From Introduction.] Am 5. Oktober 2000 erklärte Slobodan Milosevic in der Folge von Wahlen seinen Rücktritt vom Amt des Präsidenten der Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien. Einem Volksaufstand gleichkommende Demonstrationen, gegen die die Sicherheitskräfte nicht einschritten und damit zu Milsovic erstmals auf Distanz gingen, hatten ihm keine andere Wahl gelassen, als sich den demokratischen Regeln zu fügen. An die Stelle Milosevics und der ihn unterstützenden Parteien traten neue Kräfte, die sich in der Demokratischen Opposition Serbiens (DOS) zusammengeschlossen hatten. Deren beide herausragende Führer waren Vojislav Kostunica, nunmehr neu gewählter Präsident Jugoslawiens, und Zoran Djindjic, der serbischer Ministerpräsident wurde. Die serbische Regierung wurde nach einer Übergangszeit aufgrund von Parlamentswahlen am 23.12.2000 von DOS neu gebildet. Diese Entwicklung wurde von der internationalen Gemeinschaft als Wende auf dem Balkan gewürdigt. Nachdem bereits in Kroatien das Regime Tudjmans abgelöst worden war, eröffnete der Sturz Milosevics vollends Aussichten für eine friedliche, auf die Einbindung in die europäische Integration gerichtete Entwicklung der gesamten Region. Was hat sich in Serbien in den vergangenen zwei Jahren geändert? Inwieweit gelingen Reformen? Wo liegen Hindernisse? Wie entwickelt sich das Verhältnis Serbiens zu seiner Umwelt? Wie sind die Zukunftsaussichten zu beurteilen.
2002
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/165/1/dp_c114_eiff.pdf
Eiff, Hansjörg (2002) Serbien - zwei Jahre nach Milosevics Sturz = Serbia - two years after the fall of Milosevic. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 114. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/165/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:176
2011-02-15T22:14:52Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D746572726F7269736D
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Shades of Multilateralism. U.S. Perspectives on Europe´s Role in the War on Terrorism. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 106
Dennison, Andrew.
EU-US
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
terrorism
[Introduction]. Europe has long had a pivotal role in American foreign policy. The catastrophic terrorism that came to America on that sunny Tuesday morning in September 2001 is unlikely to change this. Transatlantic relations will remain at the core of world order, even as the American giant concentrates its might on the prevention of another September 11th. Pursuing the perpetrators of that dark deed, and more importantly, thwarting those who would do so again, will top the American political agenda for a long time to come. An unusual mood of determination has settled across the land; nine months on, the flags still fly; the public still gives the President unprecedented support in his "war on terror." This is an American public that sees the biggest challenges in the war as yet to come. It is a people ostensibly ready to do battle with Iraq. It is an America that sees the challenge of terrorism as long-term and complex. Domestic and foreign policies alike have been infused with a new urgency: concentrating the capacities of the shaken nation on warding off the next attack. If others, if Europe, can help in this quest, so much the better. America’s new determination does not mean America is uninterested in partners. It does mean America is more serious about foreign policy than it has been in a long time. Americans will want to cooperate with partners in Europe and elsewhere — where possible — but Americans will also condone acting alone when necessary. Americans, especially within the broad and diverse foreign policy community, have long debated how much "multilateralism" is possible, how much "unilateralism" is necessary. Operationalized, the abstract opposites "multi" or "uni" most frequently refer to cooperation between the United States of America and the less than united states of Europe. The United States is a global power; all the same, when it talks about international cooperation, it is almost always also talking about cooperation with Europe. This debate over the value of the transatlantic partnership will go on, in a changed context certainly, but by no means bereft of the many underlying continuities that have come to constitute relations across the Atlantic. U.S. perspectives on Europe’s role in the unfolding war against terrorism must thus be seen in the shadow of this larger, older discourse.
2002
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/176/1/dp_c106_denison.pdf
Dennison, Andrew. (2002) Shades of Multilateralism. U.S. Perspectives on Europe´s Role in the War on Terrorism. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 106. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/176/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:187
2011-02-15T22:14:54Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
The European Security Landscape after Kosovo. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 64
Joetze, Günter
Kosovo
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
conflict resolution/crisis management
[Introduction]. Operation "Allied Force" was a decisive new element in European security. Some may call it a watershed-or "Wegscheide" (crossroad, Foreign Minister Fischer's expression before the UN General Assembly on September 22, 1999). The general consequences of the Kosovo events, will first be analyzed, following then, the consequences for the Security and Foreign Policy of the European Union.
2000
Discussion Paper
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/187/1/dp_c64_joetze.pdf
Joetze, Günter (2000) The European Security Landscape after Kosovo. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 64. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/187/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:193
2011-02-15T22:14:55Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Where will NATO be ten years from now? ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 67
van Heuven, Marten
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
NATO
Introduction. This might seem like an innocent question, hardly worth much attention in the midst of NATO's fiftieth birthday celebrations. It implies that NATO will be around a decade hence. It suggests that, like people, NATO will grow naturally more mature and, hopefully, more respected. It assumes that prediction is possible. We should know better. So let us look again. NATO is a bundle of commitments, efforts and procedures agreed upon by a growing number of countries over the past half century to safeguard their vital interests. It now faces a world marked by accelerating change, in which everyone is connected but nobody is in charge. Its utility as a tool to serve the security interests of its members-demonstrated with resounding success during the Cold War-is not a given in the current age of transition and globalization. So the title question is serious. It deserves a serious answer. This answer will not be predictive. No one can tell where NATO will be ten years from now. However, it is possible to build an estimative assessment. Such an assessment can examine key variables and identify socalled drivers. This approach can lead to an appreciation of the factors that will influence the future of NATO, key events that may determine its course and, hopefully, policy choices on the road ahead. This paper will not, however, go into the question whether one possible scenario is more-or less-likely than another. To be sure, the official world of estimative intelligence usually does make such an effort. In this paper, however, there is neither the time nor the space to apply probability analysis to the many issues making up this complex subject.
2000
Discussion Paper
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/193/1/dp_c67_van_heuven.pdf
van Heuven, Marten (2000) Where will NATO be ten years from now? ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 67. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/193/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:200
2019-12-13T18:06:36Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303235
7375626A656374733D46:46303035
7375626A656374733D46:46303031
7375626A656374733D46:46303234
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D46:46303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Finis Neutralität? Historische und politische Aspekte im europäischen vergleich: Irland, Finnland, Schweden, Schweiz und Österreich = The End of Neutrality? Historical and political Aspects in European Comparison: Ireland, Finland, Sweden, Switzerland and Austria. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 92
Gehler, Michael.
Ireland
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Finland
Sweden
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
Switzerland
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
Austria
[From the Introduction]. I. Terminologien, Funktionen und Dimensionen. Neutralitäts-Begriffsinhalt und -Recht entstanden Ende des 14. Jh Im 15. Jh. wurden Ausdrücke wie "neutralitet" und "neutralité" erstmals verwendet. Im deutschen Sprachgebrauch taucht das Wort zeitgleich auf. Sein Ursprung ist lateinisch: 'ne uter ' = 'keiner von beiden '. Die Semantik blieb unverändert. Unter Neutralität verstand man im 14. Jh. dasselbe wie im 20. Jh.: Nichtbeteiligung am Krieg zwischen zwei oder mehreren Staaten. Unterschiede in Vorstellung und Erfassung des Inhalts erwuchsen erst durch die völkerrechtliche Begriffsbestimmung, nach der Neutralität die Summe aller Rechte und Pflichten ist, die aus der Nichtbeteiligung am Kriege resultieren. Während der Kerngehalt unverändert blieb, wurde strittig, was zu Rechten und Pflichten zählt. Kontroversen über "militärische", "wirtschaftliche", "moralische", "bewaffnete" oder "wohlwollende" Neutralität folgten. Zu ihren Funktionen und Dimensionen: Politisch bedeutet Neutralität, "keiner Partei anzugehören"; völkerrechtlich, sich zwischen zwei oder mehreren kriegführenden Staaten zu befinden und weder auf der einen noch auf der anderen Seite zu stehen. Dauerhafte Neutralität heißt, außerhalb von Krieg vorwirkend auch selbst in Friedenszeiten hinsichtlich möglicher zukünftiger Konflikte neutral zu sein. Hier ist nur von der äußeren, der politischen im Gegensatz zur inneren oder "theologischen" Neutralität die Rede. Letztere fand im innerstaatlichen Bereich, v.a. im Verhältnis politischer oder staatlicher Gewalt gegenüber gesellschaftlichen Gruppen und Einrichtungen sowie Institutionen (Gewerkschaften, Konfessionen, Kirchen, etc.), Anwendung.
2001
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/200/1/dp_c92_gehler.pdf
Gehler, Michael. (2001) Finis Neutralität? Historische und politische Aspekte im europäischen vergleich: Irland, Finnland, Schweden, Schweiz und Österreich = The End of Neutrality? Historical and political Aspects in European Comparison: Ireland, Finland, Sweden, Switzerland and Austria. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 92. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/200/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:218
2011-02-15T22:15:00Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Structures, possibilities and limits of European crisis reaction forces for conflict prevention and resolution. Conditions for a successful EU security and defence policy, based on the decisions by the EU at Nice 9th December 2000. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C83
Rühl, Lothar
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-US
conflict resolution/crisis management
Introduction. The following paper is based on the author’s "Conditions and options for an autonomous 'Common European Policy on Security and Defence' in and by the European Union in the post-Amsterdam perspective opened at Cologne in June 1999", written after the decisions by the European Council in June 1999 and published by the Center for European Integration Studies in Bonn. In addition, it is supplemented by a new analysis of the problems raised by the later agreements in the context of the EU summit decisions at Helsinki and Nice on European security and defence policy, the European crisis reaction forces and the "Headline Goal" for their strength and composition. The question is asked, whether these decisions and guidelines as well as the Headline Goal for the forces meet the conditions posed by the European security situation, the requirements of the European military contribution to Nato as well as those for an independent European military crisis response. This paper discusses the main aspects of the planned security, defence and crisis response policies in the limited European context against the background of crisis and conflict realities on the European periphery and beyond. It deals in particular with six central issues and problems of a general nature: the issue of political-military structures and intergovernmental decisionmaking in the EU, the problem of force structuring between participants for military operations outside Nato, the issue of standardisation, interoperability and readiness of crisis response forces, the problem of "European options" for independent use of EU forces in crisis and conflict, the issue of "European Armed Forces" and European military integration in the EU - the problem of harmony in the Atlantic alliance for an enlarged "European role". These six subjects are interrelated and must be seen in the general context. They are being dealt with in this discussion paper in three parts: I. The necessary political-military structures and political decision-making in the EU on security and defence policy for crisis response, including the requirements for flexibility in exercise of international missions and mandates under changing conditions. II. The requirements for force structuring, including interoperability and standardisation, readiness of forces and sustainability of deployments in crisis contingencies as conditions for "European" options of crisis response. III. The problems of harmony within the alliance, compatibility with US forces und of the creation of "European Armed Forces" for a "European defence" within the alliance as the hidden agenda behind the EC programme of 1999/2000.
2001
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/218/1/dp_c83_ruehl.pdf
Rühl, Lothar (2001) Structures, possibilities and limits of European crisis reaction forces for conflict prevention and resolution. Conditions for a successful EU security and defence policy, based on the decisions by the EU at Nice 9th December 2000. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C83. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/218/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:219
2011-02-15T22:15:00Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Europäische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungsidentität (ESVI) oder Gemeinsame Europäische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (GESVP)? = European Security and Defence Identity or Common European Security and Defence Policy? ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 79
Meiers, Franz-Joseph
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
[From the Introduction]. Nach der Einführung der gemeinsamen Währung Euro wird die Herausbildung einer wirksamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik zur zentralen Aufgabe des europäischen Einigungsprozesses. Nicht zuletzt unter dem Eindruck des Kosovo-Krieges vom 24. März bis 9. Juni 1999 nahm die europäische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik in einem Tempo Gestalt an, wie es nur ein Jahr zuvor kaum jemand für möglich gehalten hatte. Die europäischen Partner zogen aus dem Kosovo-Krieg die zentrale Lehre, daß die Europäische Union (EU) über wirksame Strukturen und Fähigkeiten verfügen mußte, um der gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik nach außen Gewicht und Glaubwürdigkeit zu verleihen. Der Europäische Rat traf in Köln Anfang Juni 1999 und in Helsinki Anfang Dezember 1999 richtungweisende Entscheidungen, die Gemeinsame Europäische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (GESVP) sowohl institutionell als auch militärisch-operativ zu stärken.
2000
Discussion Paper
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/219/1/dp_c79_meiers.pdf
Meiers, Franz-Joseph (2000) Europäische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungsidentität (ESVI) oder Gemeinsame Europäische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (GESVP)? = European Security and Defence Identity or Common European Security and Defence Policy? ZEI Discussion Papers: 2000, C 79. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/219/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:220
2011-02-15T22:15:00Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Southeastern Europe at the beginning of the 21st century: New dangers, new strategies, new perspectives. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 82
Minchev, Emil
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
conflict resolution/crisis management
Introduction. The war in Kosovo marked the end of a turbulent century for the whole of South Eastern Europe. A century of perils, bloodsheds and suffering. The beginning of the new century was connected with the hope for peace at last, for a stable and prosperous region able to be integrated into the United Europe. But this kind of a peace has not come yet. The real peace, expected and even dreamed for in the region should be a new peace order, that will make future wars on the Balkans impossible, a peace order that will bring at last stability and prosperity in this impoverished and turbulent part of Europe. Such a peace is not achieved yet with the stationing of the KFOR and the establishing of the UNMIK administration in Kosovo, is even endangered with the new outbursts of fighting in South Serbia and Macedonia, but nevertheless for the first time in the long and tragic Balkan history is closer than ever. The dawn of a new future for the Balkans opening a bright perspective for all Balkan post-communist societies is glimmering already over the horizon. The intent of the international community, of the NATO and the EU to introduce the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe with its ultimate goal - the integration of the region into the EU structures are a strong guarantee, that this future will come into existence. However, this future is still a distant one. There is a long way until it could be reached and the politicians together with the experts should warn from overoptimistic expectations. Very often such expectations give way to bitter disappointments and such developments should be avoided in the region. Because the legacy and the forces of the past, the inertia of the past are still very strong. Because the tasks for stabilising and transforming the Balkans are without a parallel in the region’s history. The challenge is of such a proportion that the international community and Balkan societies should be prepared for long and difficult efforts and uneasy victories until the goal appears within reach. Winning in Kosovo was just winning the first battle in the long war for the European future of the Balkans. Stopping after the first win and not trying to develop it further we start to face the danger of restoring the pre-war situation dominated by ethnic hatred and ethnic cleansing, but with a role swap - the victims and the oppressors just change places. If the international community allows this to happen and to prevail, then all the efforts and all the suffering would be in vain. To go further means that we should try to break the vicious circle of ethnic animosity, means much more efforts, much more economic and financial burdens and may-be less spectacular victories. The already starting to appear "Balkan fatigue" may divert the attention of the world public opinion or make some projects politically unpopular. Some regional setbacks could have a negative impact on the Western readiness to pursue this costly strategy. One of the ways to counter this "Balkan fatigue" is to explore the possibility for such setbacks, to identify the probable traps and to suggest alternative solutions for the most acute regional problems, if a traditional approach could not bring the expected results.
2001
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/220/1/dp_c82_mintchev.pdf
Minchev, Emil (2001) Southeastern Europe at the beginning of the 21st century: New dangers, new strategies, new perspectives. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 82. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/220/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:288
2011-02-15T22:15:05Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D45:45303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
The Stability pact for South Eastern Europe - potential, problems and perspectives. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1999, C 56
Biermann, Rafael
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Kosovo
UN
conflict resolution/crisis management
[From the Introduction]. 1. Europe and the Balkans at a cross-roads. Crises sometimes happen to be turning points in history, serving as eyeopeners that stimulate a fundamental reversal of behaviour. The Chinese language has created a symbol uniquely reflecting this reality: the ideogram for 'crisis' is composed of two characters which separately mean 'danger' and 'opportunity'. In retrospect, historians might view the date of 10 June 1999 as such a turning point in history, embodying both tragedy and hope. It was on this very day that the United Nations Security Council issued Resolution No. 1244, which finally put an end to the war in Kosovo; and on the same day a meeting of Foreign Ministers in Cologne, assembling representatives from 38 countries and 15 international organisations, formally endorsed the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, thus marking the start of a new phase in international Balkan politics.
1999
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/288/1/dp_c56_biermann.pdf
Biermann, Rafael (1999) The Stability pact for South Eastern Europe - potential, problems and perspectives. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1999, C 56. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/288/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:290
2011-02-15T22:15:06Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D45:45303131
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Conditions and options for an autonomous "Common European Policy on Security and Defence" in and by the European Union in the post-Amsterdam perspective opened at Cologne in June 1999. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1999, C 54
Rühl, Lothar.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
WEU
NATO
[From the Introduction]. According to the European Council’s Declaration on "the strengthening of the Common European Policy on Security and Defence" issued at Cologne on June 4th 1999, which follows the direction given by the "British- French Joint Declaration on European Defence", adopted at St. Malo on December 4th 1998, the European Union is to provide the institutional framework for a future "autonomous" European military contribution to international security. The essential legal basis for such "action" in international crisis and conflict situations, which would not correspond to "article 5 contingencies" of the North Atlantic alliance treaty and therefore would not constitute a case for NATO "collective defence" with the commitment of all the allies including the US and Canada, is to be the Union Treaty of Amsterdam, effective as of 19993. The common security and defence policy is to be set into the framework of the CFSP as defined by the union treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam and accordingly limited to the "Petersberg Tasks" agreed upon in 1992 by the partners of the WEU and inscribed into the Amsterdam treaty. It should be conceived as a part of the latter. In the wording of the Cologne decisions and the report of the German presidency, adopted by the Council as expression of the agreement between the member-states, the "development of a common European security and defence policy" is meant to "strengthen the CFSP". To this end "capacity for autonomous action, backed up by credible military forces, the means to decide to use them, and the readiness to do so" and "appropriate" organisms and procedures for decision-making are deemed necessary by the Chiefs of State and Government assembled at Cologne, "in order to respond to international crises". In the "Declaration of the European Council" on the "Common European Policy on Security and Defence" the "intention" is expressed to provide the EU with "the necessary means and capabilities" for "conflict prevention and crisis management" in order to "contribute to international peace and security in accordance with the principles of the UN Charter without prejudice to actions by NATO". The "measures" to be taken in such contingencies by the EU "irrespectively" of NATO require "military as well as political and economic" means.
1999
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/290/1/dp_c54_ruehl.pdf
Rühl, Lothar. (1999) Conditions and options for an autonomous "Common European Policy on Security and Defence" in and by the European Union in the post-Amsterdam perspective opened at Cologne in June 1999. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1999, C 54. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/290/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:308
2013-11-03T02:38:05Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Europas globale Verantwortung - Die Selbstbehauptung der alten Welt = European Global Responsibility - Self-Assertion of the Old World. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1999, C 36
Pflüger, Friedbert
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[From the Introduction]. Im ersten Halbjahr 1999 werden die Weichen für die Zukunft Europas gestellt. Der Euro wurde am 1. Januar eingeführt und muß sich in einer rauhen weltwirtschaftlichen Lage erstmals behaupten. Die im November 1998 begonnenen Beitrittsverhandlungen der Europäischen Union mit sechs Staaten sind energisch und entschlossen voranzutreiben. Darüber hinaus verhandeln die Mitglieder der EU über die Agenda 2000. Das bedeutet nichts weniger als eine umfassende Reform der europäischen Agrarpolitik, die Neugestaltung der EU-Strukturförderung und ein neuer Finanzrahmen für die Union bis zum Jahr 2006. Ferner geht es um die institutionellen Veränderungen, die notwendig sind, um eine erweiterte EU handlungsfähig zu erhalten. Schließlich stehen die Entscheidungen über den neuen EU-Kommissionspräsidenten und den Hohen Vertreter für die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik an. Zur Ratspräsidentschaft kommen noch der Vorsitz in der WEU, in der Schengen-Runde und in der G-7/G-8 sowie die Mitwirkung an der Fassung der neuen NATO-Strategie zum Jubiläumsgipfel des Bündnisses im April 1999. Was für eine europa- und außenpolitische Agenda für eine neue, naturgemäß noch unerfahrene Regierung - und welch eine ungeheure politische Verantwortung!
1999
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/308/1/dp_c36_pflueger.pdf
Pflüger, Friedbert (1999) Europas globale Verantwortung - Die Selbstbehauptung der alten Welt = European Global Responsibility - Self-Assertion of the Old World. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1999, C 36. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/308/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:344
2011-02-15T22:15:15Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D45:45303131
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
The WEU between NATO and EU. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 4
Lenzi, Guido
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
WEU
NATO
[From Introduction]. That being said, the theme of my discussion today is "Western European Union between NATO and EU". What I will try to address and talk over with you - since I have not made up my mind yet - is whether the European Union is energized or on the contrary stifled by these two organizations, after NATO’s Berlin and Madrid ministerials and the EU Amsterdam Summit, both of which have indicated that Western European Union is an instrument at their disposal. It is now clearly established, even if not as clearly as we may have wished, that Western European Union is firmly set in the sights or NATO and the European Union as a possible vehicle for their future activities. Is this situation, of having two suitors, a reason for optimism and encouragement or could it become a reason for discouragement and passivity? In other words, is Western European Union propped up by these two more comprehensive European organizations or is it stuck in between them and less able to move than it would have been otherwise.
1998
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/344/1/dp_c04_lenzi.pdf
Lenzi, Guido (1998) The WEU between NATO and EU. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 4. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/344/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:353
2011-02-15T22:15:16Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Perspektiven der Gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik der EU = Perspectives of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 21
van Eekelen, Wim F.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
[Introduction]. GASP - Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik: Ich habe einmal gelesen, dies sei ein Akronym auf der Suche nach einem Konzept. Auch hört man zuweilen die etwas spöttische Definition, die GASP habe keinen echten gemeinsamen Nenner, sei keine Politik, habe nichts mit Sicherheit zu tun, sondern sei nur ein fremdländisches Produkt. Und in der Übersetzung bedeutet das englische Wort "gasp" einfach nur Seufzer. Wir müssen uns also darüber klar werden, ob die GASP ein Grund zu seufzen ist, oder eher etwas Positives für die Zukunft.
1998
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/353/1/dp_c21_eekelen.pdf
van Eekelen, Wim F. (1998) Perspektiven der Gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik der EU = Perspectives of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 21. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/353/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:355
2011-02-15T22:15:16Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D45:45303131
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Der Ausbau der europäischen Verteidigungsidentität zwischen WEU und NATO = The Dismantlement of the European Defense Identity between the WEU and NATO. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 19
Fröhlich, Stefan
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
WEU
NATO
[From the Introduction]. Die Idee, Europa durch GASP eine faßbare Identität zu verleihen, gehört zu den schwierigsten Reformaufgaben der Union. Die Bestimmungen dazu gehörten zu den umstrittensten Teilen des Maastrichter Vertrages. Im Kern kreisten die Argumente um einen gemeinschaftlichen oder intergouvernementalen Ansatz einerseits und um die Frage, ob die Verteidigungspolitik zu einem Zuständigkeitsbereich der Union werden soll, andererseits. Man einigte sich schließlich auf die Institutionalisierung der EPZ, sprich auf eine Aufnahme der politischen Zusammenarbeit und deren stärkeren selbstverpflichtenden Charakter in den Unionsvertrag, die erstmalige Einbeziehung aller sicherheits- und verteidigungspolitisch relevanten Aspekte in die GASP, die Entwicklung gemeinsamer Standpunkte und die Durchführung gemeinsamer Aktionen nach Titel V, Art. J.2 und J.3 EUV, sowie, sicherlich als bedeutendsten Punkt, eine vertragliche Beziehung zwischen EU und WEU mit der Perspektive der Entwicklung einer Gemeinsamen Verteidigungspolitik.
1998
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/355/1/dp_c19_froehlich.pdf
Fröhlich, Stefan (1998) Der Ausbau der europäischen Verteidigungsidentität zwischen WEU und NATO = The Dismantlement of the European Defense Identity between the WEU and NATO. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 19. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/355/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:361
2011-02-15T22:15:17Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303031
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik nach Amsterdam = The Common Foreign and Security Policy after Amsterdam. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 14
Ischinger, Wolfgang
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Amsterdam Treaty
[From the Introduction]. Die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik der Europäischen Union (GASP) hat mit dem Amsterdamer Vertrag einen neuen Stellenwert erhalten, der an vier Fragen erläutert werden soll: 1. Frage: Was ist eigentlich die außenpolitische Leistung der Europäischen Union? 2. Frage: Wird Europa nach dem Vertrag von Maastricht und insbesondere nach den Ergänzungen von Amsterdam bei der nächsten außenpolitischen Krise eine bessere Figur machen als bisher? 3. Frage: Ist eigentlich der Beweis erbracht, daß die Bundesrepublik Deutschland die GASP braucht? 4. Frage: Gibt es zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten der EU noch so etwas wie Außenpolitik.
1998
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/361/1/dp_c14_ischinger.pdf
Ischinger, Wolfgang (1998) Die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik nach Amsterdam = The Common Foreign and Security Policy after Amsterdam. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 14. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/361/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:393
2011-02-15T22:15:29Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D746572726F7269736D
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303134
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D696D6D6967726174696F6E706F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303037
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
European Security Perceptions vis à vis the Mediterranean: Theoretical and empirical considerations from the 1990s. JMWP No. 39.01, November 2001
Bicchi, Federica
immigration policy
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-Islam
terrorism
international trade
EU-Mediterranean/Union for the Mediterranean
environmental policy (including international arena)
[From the Introduction]. The paper’s first section briefly summarises the post-Cold war debate on security. The second section develops a two-dimensional typology to measure change in security perceptions. Section three applies this typology to Euro-Mediterranean relations, beginning with the military aspects of the post-Cold war period. In section four I focus on migration before considering, in section five, so-called Islamic fundamentalism, terrorism, trade exchanges and environmental challenges. The concluding section returns to the analysis of security and the utility of the typology developed for the Euro-Mediterranean case.
Barbagallo, Valentina
2001-11
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/393/1/jmwp39.htm
Bicchi, Federica (2001) European Security Perceptions vis à vis the Mediterranean: Theoretical and empirical considerations from the 1990s. JMWP No. 39.01, November 2001. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/393/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:396
2011-02-15T22:15:30Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Of Swiss Army Knives and Diplomacy. A Review of the Union's Diplomatic Capabilities. JMWP No. 33.01, April 2001
Güssgen, Florian
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
The European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has revitalised the European Union’s attempts to establish a veritable Common Foreign and Security Policy. It necessitates a re-appraisal of the Union’s foreign policy capabilities. An analysis should be conducted in respect to military capabilities, diplomatic capabilities, and legitimacy. This working paper merely explores to what extent ESDP enhances the Union’s diplomatic capacity to plan cohesive, sustainable and effective foreign policies. I focus on the performance of three elements of the European foreign policy-making system: The High Representative for the CFSP, the Policy Planning and Early Warning Unit, and the Political and Security Committee (COPS). I show that each element has developed in a manner which - despite inherent limitations - increases the Union’s foreign policy-planning ability. As a disclaimer it should be added that the working paper is neither conceptual nor theoretical in nature.
Barbagallo, Valentina
2001-04
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/396/1/jmwp33.htm
Güssgen, Florian (2001) Of Swiss Army Knives and Diplomacy. A Review of the Union's Diplomatic Capabilities. JMWP No. 33.01, April 2001. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/396/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:397
2011-02-15T22:15:30Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303133
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
European Security and Defence after Nice. JMWP No. 31.01, March 2001
Stavridis, Stelios
EU-US
Nice Treaty
U.K.
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
NATO
Recent developments in EU security and defence have surprised by their speed, especially in light of a lack of such progress in the past. Brand new EU security institutions are already in place. EU states have also made clear military troops commitments for a Rapid Deployment Force by 2003. The Nice European Council of December 2000 has confirmed these developments. What has happened and what are the wider implications? Are the EU and NATO on a possible collision course? Probably yes, as both the EU is militarising and the Atlantic Alliance is becoming more and more a political institution. The crucial role of Britain is also examined and it is concluded that it remains more pro-Atlantic and anti-European supranationalism than ever before.
Barbagallo, Valentina
2001-03
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/397/1/jmwp31.htm
Stavridis, Stelios (2001) European Security and Defence after Nice. JMWP No. 31.01, March 2001. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/397/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:398
2011-02-15T22:15:30Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D45:45303039
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The European security partnership, NATO and the European Union. JMWP No. 29.01, March 2001
Attina, Fulvio
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
OSCE/Helsinki Process/CSCE
NATO
Data shows a declining percent of states bound together in defence pacts. At the same time, new forms of security arrangements are created by the state governments. The paper focuses on regional security arrangements. It proposes to interpret the decreasing interest of governments in making new pacts of military alliances and the increasing interest in creating regional security partnership arrangements as a substantial change in international security practice. After defining the concept of regional security partnership – in opposition to the concepts of military pact and security community - the paper examines NATO’s and EU’s adaptation to the present European security partnership which took form and developed along with the long experience of the Helsinki Process.
Barbagallo, Valentina.
2001-03
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/398/1/jmwp29.htm
Attina, Fulvio (2001) The European security partnership, NATO and the European Union. JMWP No. 29.01, March 2001. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/398/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:400
2011-02-15T22:15:31Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303037
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Partnership and Security: Some theoretical and empirical reasons for positive developments in the Euro-Mediterranean area. Special edition Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. JMWP No. 27.00, July 2000
Attina, Fulvio
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-Mediterranean/Union for the Mediterranean
[From the Introduction]. Two security area issues are analysed in this study: the wider context and inner context. In the former, attention is drawn to three groups of factors which condition security in the Mediterranean and in other areas of the world: the systemic proprieties of security in the contemporary world; the new dimensions of security and security community building as perceived by political analysts; and the European and Arab security cultures. The analysis of the inner context, instead, reviews attempts and processes aimed at building security in the framing of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. The list of factors examined here does not pretend to be complete. It is a selection of factors loosely inspired by Modelski’s (1996) theory of evolutionary world politics which sees the international system as bound to the formation of global institutions and, consequently, views regional political theatres as influenced by, rather than as autonomous from, the evolution of the global system. For this reason, the prospects of the Euro-Mediterranean security building process appear to be less dark than most analysts allow the Euro-Mediterranean partnership-makers to expect. However, to point out signs favourable to positive developments of security negotiations among Euro-Mediterranean countries does not imply that we underestimate difficulties and obstacles. The analysis of the inner context of Euro-Mediterranean security in this study acknowledges the slowing-down effect of these difficulties and obstacles on the making of security agreements in the area. The overall analysis, however, supports the prospect of progress in Mediterranean security building because it identifies incentives for managing security issues through co-operative and multilateral methods rather than through the conflict instruments of the single countries.
Barbagallo, Valentina
2000-07
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/400/1/jmwp27.htm
Attina, Fulvio (2000) Partnership and Security: Some theoretical and empirical reasons for positive developments in the Euro-Mediterranean area. Special edition Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. JMWP No. 27.00, July 2000. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/400/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:401
2013-11-03T03:02:46Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
International Relations and European Integration Theory: The Role of the European Parliament. JMWP No. 26.00, January 2000
Viola, Donatella M.
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
European Parliament
political parties
[From the Introduction]. Winding through the maze of International Relations and European integration theories can be a lengthy and arduous challenge. The following overview, which is by no means exhaustive, intends to illustrate briefly the major theoretical assumptions relevant to European integration and set them, where possible, within the mainstream of International Relations theory, an explicit linkage which is too rarely made. In order to further highlight their relevance to this thesis, an attempt is also made to identify the role played or to be played by the European Parliament within the various original theoretical models, which are used as hermeneutic devises. Finally, variants of relevant concepts are tailored to allow for a theoretical conceptualization of political groups in the Europarliamentary environment.
Barbagallo, Valentina
2000-01
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/401/1/jmwp26.htm
Viola, Donatella M. (2000) International Relations and European Integration Theory: The Role of the European Parliament. JMWP No. 26.00, January 2000. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/401/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:402
2011-02-15T22:15:31Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303133
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303138
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The Western Mediterranean as a Security Complex: A liaison between the European Union and the Middle East? Special edition Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. JMWP No. 24.99, November 1999
Haddadi, Said
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-North Africa/Maghreb
EU-Middle East
EU-Mediterranean/Union for the Mediterranean
[From the Introduction]. This paper sets out the beginnings of an argument, namely that the Western Mediterranean can be seen as a region that is starting to develop traits characteristic of security complexes in terms of the security dynamics that are at play within it -- particularly in relation to the interactions (both positive and negative) existing between North Africa and south-west Europe, and especially in light of the agenda generated by the end of the Cold War, by the aftermath of the Gulf War and by the developments taking place within the European Union (EU). My hypothesis is that the security interactions and interdependence existing within the Western Mediterranean warrant the investigation of this region in terms of a security complex that comprises North Africa and south-west Europe as two sub-complexes that belong respectively to the Middle East as a lower-level security complex and the EU as a higher-level security complex. Thus, my contention is that the Western Mediterranean can function as a link between the EU and the Middle East as two parent complexes. Hence I wish to label it a liaison security complex. First, before considering actual Western Mediterranean security problems, this paper briefly discusses the dominant literature dealing with regional security, focusing in particular on the Copenhagen School. Second, it raises issues that are relevant to the discussion of the Western Mediterranean as a security complex with special reference to the current questions and dilemmas that are plaguing relations in the region at the economic, political, societal/social, military and environmental levels. Then it seeks to relate them to the nature of the Western Mediterranean as a new genre of security complex, a liaison security complex. Finally, it evaluates the importance of liaison security complexes and judges their merits in reconciling some of the problems and difficulties encountered on account of the interdependence that exists, often increasingly today, between higher-level and lower-level security complexes.
Barbagallo, Valentina
1999-11
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/402/1/jmwp24.htm
Haddadi, Said (1999) The Western Mediterranean as a Security Complex: A liaison between the European Union and the Middle East? Special edition Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. JMWP No. 24.99, November 1999. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/402/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:417
2011-02-15T22:15:34Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
European-American Security in the Post-September 11 World. JMWP No. 42.02, May 2002
Schain, Martin
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
EU-US
NATO
[From the Introduction]. Since 1954, two issues have preoccupied US-European security relations. The Americans have been most concerned with getting the Europeans to increase their contribution to the common defense effort in the context of NATO; the Europeans have been most concerned with their ability to act independently outside of area and to influence American decision-making within the NATO area while maintaining the American commitment to the NATO area. What is most remarkable is that the end of the Cold War and the progress of European union has had remarkably little impact on the way that European defense and security is understood. From the European perspective, the old adage that the purpose of NATO was "to keep the Russians out, the Germans down and the Americans in" has changed only marginally. The Germans are no longer down; the Russians remain less than welcome allies but increasingly less out; and the Americans remain a necessary component to any concept of European security.
Barbagallo, Valentina
2002-05
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/417/1/jmwp42.htm
Schain, Martin (2002) European-American Security in the Post-September 11 World. JMWP No. 42.02, May 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/417/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:418
2011-02-15T22:15:34Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303037
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Security cooperation at the regional level: from opposed military alliances to security partnerships. Is the Mediterranean region on the right track? JMWP No. 45.02, October 2002
Attina, Fulvio
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
regionalism, international
EU-Mediterranean/Union for the Mediterranean
The paper analyses the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation process within the perspective of the new regionalism studies. In particular, it deals with regional partnership building on security issues. In the first section, the concept of regional security partnership is defined. In the second and third sections, the security arrangement of Europe as regional security partnership is placed in the wider context of the change of security cooperation in the world system, and data on European and Mediterranean security cooperation are analyzed. The successive sections deal with the problems of security partnership building in the framework of the Barcelona Process. These sections and the concluding remarks give the responsibility for the suspension of security negotiation in the region to the difference of security culture on the two Mediterranean shores.
Barbagallo, Valentina
2002-10
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/418/1/jmwp45.htm
Attina, Fulvio (2002) Security cooperation at the regional level: from opposed military alliances to security partnerships. Is the Mediterranean region on the right track? JMWP No. 45.02, October 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/418/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:419
2011-02-15T22:15:35Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706767656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
La democrazia dell'Unione Europea e la riforma del Secondo Pilastro. The democratization of the European Union and the reform of the Second Pillar. JMWP No. 01.96, December 1996
Longo, Francesca.
democracy/democratic deficit
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
general
[From the Introduction]. La democratizzazione dell'Unione Europea è una questione da tempo presente nel dibattito sull'integrazione. Il grado e le forme di partecipazione dei cittadini europei ai processi decisionali comuni sono certamente problemi di primaria importanza nell'ambito delle riforme attualmente in corso che incrementeranno il potere del sistema politico dell'UE di assumere decisioni vincolanti, sostituendosi o affiancandosi ai sistemi politici degli stati membri nello svolgimento della funzione di governo del territorio e della popolazione.
Barbagallo, Valentina
1996-12
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/419/1/jmwp01.htm
Longo, Francesca. (1996) La democrazia dell'Unione Europea e la riforma del Secondo Pilastro. The democratization of the European Union and the reform of the Second Pillar. JMWP No. 01.96, December 1996. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/419/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:447
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oai:aei.pitt.edu:536
2011-02-15T22:15:41Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303136
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:656661454D55454D536575726F
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D67656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303138:656C6D656D706C6F796D656E74756E656D706C6F796D656E74
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Accessing The UK Presidency: A Second Pillar Perspective. EIPA Working Paper: 98/W/04
Duke, Simon
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
enlargement
U.K.
European Council-Presidency
employment/unemployment
general
EMU/EMS/euro
[From the Introduction]. Prime Minister Tony Blair’s stated goal for the presidency was that the United Kingdom should ‘lead in Europe.’ Robin Cook, the Foreign Secretary, said in the autumn of 1997 that the UK ‘now has a government with a secure majority and a strong leader able to seize the opportunity to shape the direction of Europe.’ Any assessment of the overall effectiveness of any given presidency must rest upon its overall performance in relation to its intended goals. The goals outlined for the UK presidency, discussed in more detail below, were extremely ambitious but not unduly so when compared to those of the succeeding Austrian presidency. What follows is part of a wider project considering the UK presidency of the EU, from 1 January to 30 June 1998. Separate assessments will be made regarding first and third pillar activities. The second pillar activities of the presidency are of particular importance or, in the case of the UK presidency, perhaps of most importance. Certainly, any cursory glance at the work programme of the presidency indicates a strong concentration on second pillar activities. This suggests that the second pillar, due to its intergovernmental and relatively unbureaucratic nature, may be an area in which the presidency feels able to leave its mark. The first pillar agenda was however daunting since the presidency set out to act as pilot for European Monetary Union (EMU), to address employment issues, as well as the enlargement process with Central Europe and Cyprus. Britain’s well known difficulties with the former, notwithstanding ‘New’ Labour’s efforts, perhaps drew an undue amount of critical comments to the detriment of the presidency’s achievements in other areas. The third pillar, Justice and Home Affairs (JHA), also featured an ambitious agenda with collaboration amongst the EU customs authorities as the platform of a concerted anti-drug drive.
1998
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/536/1/98w04.pdf
Duke, Simon (1998) Accessing The UK Presidency: A Second Pillar Perspective. EIPA Working Paper: 98/W/04. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/536/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:537
2011-02-15T22:15:42Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D45:45303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D45:45303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The Trouble with Kosovo. EIPA Working Paper: 98/W/03
Duke, Simon
Kosovo
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
conflict resolution/crisis management
UN
NATO
[From the Introduction]. The troubles in Kosovo demonstrate that not only has Europe failed thus far to develop effective mechanisms to address the complex issues stemming from intra-state conflict, but it may lead to the fundamental redefinition of many central tenets of public international law, international relations, and international security. If NATO intervention takes place it will open up legal questions regarding sovereignty and thus statehood and will also lead to a protracted debate about the role of the United Nations (UN). Perhaps the time is long overdue for a debate on these issues in the post-cold war world, but Kosovo may prove to be the unwitting catalyst.
1998
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/537/1/98w03.pdf
Duke, Simon (1998) The Trouble with Kosovo. EIPA Working Paper: 98/W/03. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/537/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:542
2011-02-15T22:15:42Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:443030326673703139353031393932657063
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Consistency as an Issue in EU External Activities. EIPA Working Paper 99/W/06
Duke, Simon
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
foreign/security policy 1950s-1992 (includes EPC)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[From the Introduction]. The European Community (EC) was initially only competent in the area of trade and gradually developed a common commercial policy. The 1970s onwards saw increasing foreign policy co-operation in the framework of European Political Co-operation (EPC). Over the next two decades the increasing number of external activities of the Union highlighted the need for consistency between the EC’s external competencies conducted in the context of the first pillar and the intergovernmental ones of the second pillar and, to an growing extent, the third pillar. By the late 1990s the European Union (EU) accounted for a greater percentage of global gross national product than the U.S. and Japan. The EU also contributes more to the UN budget and peacekeeping operations than either the U.S. or Japan. Given the enormous importance of the EU as a global actor and its potential to play an even more influential role, it is not difficult to see why concerns of consistency in the EU’s external activities are legitimate. Consistency has become something of a refrain. Most recently the consolidated Treaty on European Union (CTEU) states that, 'The Union shall be served by a single institutional framework which shall ensure the consistency and the continuity of the activities carried out in order to attain its objectives while respecting and building upon the acquis communautaire.' [CTEU, 1997, Article 3] To this end, it is to the Union generally that the task of ensuring 'consistency in its external activities as a whole in the context of external relations, security, economic and development policies' falls. The Council and Commission are though charged with particular responsibility in this regard. The objective of achieving consistency in the Union’s external activities is to ensure that the Union can 'assert its identity on the international scheme.' [CTEU, 1997, Article 2] In support of the general theme of consistency the European Council identified the aim of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) as being to enable the Union to speak with one voice. The same theme is returned to within the CFSP mechanisms, both directly but also indirectly through reference to 'common positions,' 'joint decisions,' 'joint actions,' and, most recently, 'common strategies.'
1999
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/542/1/99w06.pdf
Duke, Simon (1999) Consistency as an Issue in EU External Activities. EIPA Working Paper 99/W/06. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/542/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:602
2011-02-15T23:43:58Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:633
2011-02-15T22:16:01Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303036
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D61727469636C65
"A New Idea of Europe: The Liberal Internationalism of the Nouvelle Revue Française (1919-1925)"
Sick, Klaus-Peter
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
France
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
The paper argues that there is a new form of liberal internationalism developing in France in the years after the First World War. This new liberalism, whilst emphasising economic prosperity, introduces international solidarity as a key concept. It insisted on international interdependence being a result of a division of labour amongst national societies. The article then goes to the new liberal idea of European unity, made up of two distinct dimensions: an economic-sociological and a normative dimension, which were, in turn, the foundations for the project of functionalist institutionalisation on a European level. It finally presents the stance France should hold according to the "new liberal internationalists" in the key problems of foreign policy, especially the problems of financial and economic reparations.
European Political-economy Infrastructure Consortium (EPIC)
Schwarzer, Daniela
Tulmets, Elsa
2003-03
Article
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/633/1/SICK.PDF
Sick, Klaus-Peter (2003) "A New Idea of Europe: The Liberal Internationalism of the Nouvelle Revue Française (1919-1925)". European Political Economy Review, 1 (1). pp. 105-117.
http://aei.pitt.edu/633/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:642
2011-02-15T22:16:02Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:464B6F736F766F
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:636F6E726573
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"It fires back! The Impact of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy(CFSP) on the Evolution of a European identity"
Guessgen, Florian
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
Kosovo
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
conflict resolution/crisis management
Ever since the conclusions of the European Councils of Cologne and Helsinki – in other words: ever since the watershed event of the war in Kosovo in spring 1999 – the issue of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and even a Common European Policy on Security and Defence (CEPSD) are on the top of the European agenda. The European Union is finding itself in the midst of a discussion about the means it should dispose of in order to cohesively act abroad, diplomatically and militarily. This recent and breath-taking development marks a major shift in the general discourse on the European Union. The European Union, long conceived of as a "mere" civilian power is now arriving at a language of the past, a language which may provocatively called the language of "war and peace". This discourse entails central political questions. Europe is discussing its role in the international diplomatic and security environment. It defines the kind of international order it envisages. By the same token, foreign policy is not only about a state’s relationship with the outside world. The content of foreign policy equally reveals which values and principles constitute a state’s political community internally. Thus, the evolution of a European system of foreign policy governance allows for an alternative view on one of the most contested and most opaque puzzles of European integration: The configuration of the European citizenry’s identity. What impact has the institutional development of a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) exerted on the shape of the European polity and its identity? Does European foreign policy in fact "fire back" on identity as the title of this paper so confidently claims? Under which conditions does it shape which kind of (substantive) idea of a European citizenry? In answering this question, I will first, embark on a conceptual discussion. How do we need to conceive of foreign policy in order to allow for the linkage between foreign policy and citizenship? The decisive step consists of using an extended definition of the state as the base-line of inquiry. Conceptually, the state may not be based merely upon the presence of centralised government and territorial sovereignty, but it equally requires the inclusion of the concept of identity as an important benchmark. Accordingly, in the first part of this paper, I will elaborate on a constructivist definition of the state as an analytical blue-print for examining the texture of the European Union. In the second part, I will devise tentative hypothesis on the impact of the evolution of the European foreign policy governance system on the definition of a European identity. This section is split in two periods: A pre-Kosovo period and a post-Kosovo period. The pre-Kosovo period, I find, is not likely to have contributed to the development of a common identity conception. The post-Kosovo period, on the other hand, has opened up considerable opportunities to do so. It has created leeway for a discourse which is central for the emergence of a European identity: The de-coupling of the United States.
2000
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/642/1/ICGuessgen.pdf
Guessgen, Florian (2000) "It fires back! The Impact of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy(CFSP) on the Evolution of a European identity". In: UNSPECIFIED, Corfu, Greece.
http://aei.pitt.edu/642/
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