2024-03-29T10:27:05Zhttp://aei.pitt.edu/cgi/oai2
oai:aei.pitt.edu:55
2011-02-15T22:14:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
74797065733D72657669657765737361797375626A656374
Integrating Left and Right: Studying EU Politics
McNamara, Kathleen
Hix, Simon
Hooghe, Liesbet
Pollack, Mark A.
political parties
Four ECSA members argue the merits of bringing the political fight between left and right into the study of European integration.
European Community Studies Association
Staats, Valerie
1998
Review Essay
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/55/1/LeftRightForum.htm
McNamara, Kathleen and Hix, Simon and Hooghe, Liesbet and Pollack, Mark A. (1998) Integrating Left and Right: Studying EU Politics. [Review Essay]
http://aei.pitt.edu/55/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:59
2011-02-15T22:14:44Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:627564676574706F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303136
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303031
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D72657669657765737361797375626A656374
ECSA Review 12/4, Fall 1999. Special Report. The European Union in 1999: Finances, Institutions, and War
Lankowski, Carl
Peterson, John
Laffan, Brigid
Kreppel, Amie
European Council-Presidency
Agenda 2000
European elections/voting behavior
European Commission
Germany
budgets & financing
Four ECSA members analyze key events during 1999 in the European Union. [Includes introduction by Mark A. Pollack, series editor].
European Community Studies Association
Staats, Valerie
1999
Review Essay
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/59/1/eu1999forum.htm
Lankowski, Carl and Peterson, John and Laffan, Brigid and Kreppel, Amie (1999) ECSA Review 12/4, Fall 1999. Special Report. The European Union in 1999: Finances, Institutions, and War. [Review Essay]
http://aei.pitt.edu/59/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:61
2011-02-15T22:14:45Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
74797065733D72657669657765737361797375626A656374
Democracy and Constitutionalism in the European Union
Schmitter, Philippe C.
Majone, Giandomenico
Moravcsik, Andrew
democracy/democratic deficit
Three leading EU scholars/ECSA members debate whether, and if so, by what standards, the European Union has democratic legitimacy. [Includes introduction by Mark A. Pollack, series editor].
European Community Studies Association
Staats, Valerie
2000
Review Essay
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/61/1/DemocracyForum.htm
Schmitter, Philippe C. and Majone, Giandomenico and Moravcsik, Andrew (2000) Democracy and Constitutionalism in the European Union. [Review Essay]
http://aei.pitt.edu/61/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:74
2011-02-15T22:14:47Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365:70616666676F7665726E616E63657375626E6174696F6E616C726567696F6E616C2F7465727269746F7269616C
74797065733D72657669657765737361797375626A656374
The Commission White Paper and European Governance
Wincott, Daniel
Metcalfe, Les
Everson, Michelle
Armstrong, Kenneth A.
governance: EU & national level
European Commission
subnational/regional/territorial
[Introduction by Mark A. Pollack, series editor]. FIRST PROPOSED BY COMMISSION President Romano Prodi in February 2000, the Commission's White Paper on European Governance was designed to examine and make proposals about the concept of European governance, which was taken to encompass "rules, processes and behavior that affect the way in which powers are exercised at European level" (Commission 2000: 4). As Daniel Wincott recounts below, the White Paper itself was drafted by a "Governance Team" within the Commission, which in turn consulted widely among academics as well as government experts and civil society. For many observers, the White Paper promised a fundamental reconsideration of the aims of European governance; the respective roles of EU, national, and subnational institutions; the role of civil society in EU policymaking; and the possible development of new forms of governance including self-regulation, co-regulation, the open method of coordination, and independent regulatory agencies. After extensive consultation outside the Commission, and debate within it, the White Paper was finally released on 27 July. As per its mandate, the 35-page document discusses five principles of good governance-openness, participation, accountability, effectiveness, and coherence-and offers broadly formulated "proposals for change" in four areas: better involvement; better policies, regulation, and delivery; the EU's contribution to global governance; and refocused policies and institutions (Commission 2001). As Les Metcalfe points out in his essay below, the White Paper is less specific in its proposals than previous White Papers (such as Lord Cockfield's famous 1985 White Paper, Completing the Internal Market), but rather presents a broad analysis and calls for a period of public consultations, to continue through the end of March 2002, on the principles and proposals of the White Paper. Unfortunately, the timing of the White Paper's release, just before the August holidays, has meant that the public debate on its contents has begun slowly, with little press coverage or public debate. The Forum section of this issue of EUSA Review is therefore devoted to a preliminary analysis of the White Paper, with essays by Daniel Wincott, Les Metcalfe, Michelle Everson and Kenneth A. Armstrong. The first two of these essays examine the drafting and content of the White Paper against the political background of the Commission and the EU in recent years, while the last two examine two of the most important substantive issues raised by the White Paper (executive agencies and civil society, respectively). It is hoped that these essays-together with the on-line symposium established by the Harvard Jean Monnet Program (Joerges, M. and Weiler 2001; Scharpf 2001) and other scholarly contributions-will stimulate an active academic debate on the contents of the White Paper and the reform of European governance.
European Union Studies Association
Staats, Valerie
2001
Review Essay
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/74/1/GovernanceForum.html
Wincott, Daniel and Metcalfe, Les and Everson, Michelle and Armstrong, Kenneth A. (2001) The Commission White Paper and European Governance. [Review Essay]
http://aei.pitt.edu/74/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:110
2011-02-15T22:14:47Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
Citizens' Involvement in European Union Politics - Towards a More Participatory Democracy?
Nentwich, Michael.
European elections/voting behavior
democracy/democratic deficit
This paper presents a comprehensive stock-taking of opportunity structures for citizens participation in EU politics. In doing so, it analyses the various channels for involvement or participation such as petitioning the European Parliament, writing letters to the Commission, participating in European elections, etc. The paper will argue that a closer look at the EC institutions' work during the few years since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty reveils that significant trends towards an increased focus on citizens' involvement are already taking place. However, as will be shown here, only indirect and non-binding, largely informal opportunity structures for citizens participation have been implemented so far.
1995
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/110/1/ecsapap.pdf
Nentwich, Michael. (1995) Citizens' Involvement in European Union Politics - Towards a More Participatory Democracy? In: UNSPECIFIED. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/110/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:163
2011-02-15T22:14:49Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303133
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D46:46303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Ireland and the Nice Treaty. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 115
Doyle, Peter
Ireland
enlargement
European elections/voting behavior
Nice Treaty
[Introduction.] The experience in Ireland of conducting two referenda on the Nice Treaty: Just for the record, let me remind you that the first referendum was held in June 2001, when the result was just under 54% against and just over 46% per cent in favour. The turnout was just under 35%, the second lowest in the history of referenda in Ireland and by far the lowest in referenda related to Europe. In the second referendum, held on October 19 last, there was a dramatic turn-around; 63% said "yes", 37% "no" and 51% of the electorate failed to vote. Those among you who possess agile mathematical minds will be able to work out pretty quickly that the "no" vote changed little between the two referenda; from just over 20% of the vote the first time to around 18% last month. The key to the positive result the second time around, therefore, was the higher turnout, even though half of the electorate stayed away from the polls. Put another way, many voters who are inclined to be well disposed towards the EU and who abstained last year actually turned out this time. You might well wonder why a country which has enjoyed such largesse from the EU’s coffers should appear to be so reluctant to vote in favour of further integration and enable our less-fortunate neighbours in central and eastern Europe to share in the same good fortune. Had the EU not, after all, been a major factor in the creation of the phenomenon which has come to be known as the Celtic Tiger economy.
2002
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/163/1/dp_c115_doyle.pdf
Doyle, Peter (2002) Ireland and the Nice Treaty. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 115. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/163/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:177
2011-02-15T22:14:52Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166667075626C69636F70696E696F6E
7375626A656374733D46:46303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Der tschechische EU-Beitritt: Politischer Prozess wider die öffentliche Meinung = The Integration of the Czech Republic into the EU: Political Process against Public Opinion. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 105
von Schnurbein, Katharina
Czech Republic
enlargement
public opinion
[From the Introduction.} "Europa dem Bürger nahe bringen", ist das gegenwärtige Schlagwort in Europa – nicht erst seit dem EU-Gipfel im belgischen Laeken im Dezember 2001, aber seit diesem besonders. Der unter anderem mit diesem Ziel im März 2002 eingesetzte EU-Konvent soll binnen einem Jahr die Lösung für die Annäherung von EU und Bürger präsentieren. Jüngste Umfragen zeigen, dass in den Mitgliedstaaten durchschnittlich weit weniger als die Hälfte aller Bürger der EU vertrauen. In den Kandidatenstaaten sieht die Situation etwas besser aus, dort vertrauen der EU durchschnittlich immerhin 62 Prozent. Tschechien liegt bei diesen Erhebungen jedoch unter dem Kandidatenstaatendurchschnitt. Nur etwas über die Hälfte der Tschechen, 54 Prozent, setzen Ihr Vertrauen in die Europäische Union, beitreten wollen ihr gegenwärtig 46%. Eine Entfremdung der Politik vom Bürger hat sich in der Geschichte wiederholt als unklug erwiesen. Man denke an die Wirtschaftskrisen, die sich von Südamerika über Russland nach Asien bewegten und nun wieder in Südamerika angekommen sind oder erfreuliche Ereignisse wie die Samtene Revolution 1989, die unter anderem dem Mut und der Initiative unterdrückter Bürger zu verdanken ist. Auch wenn die Situation in Europa weder dem einen noch dem anderen Extrem nahe kommt, ist es an der Zeit, Europa (wieder) bürgernäher zu gestalten. Während den Bürgern der Mitgliedstaaten die EU-Politik vermittelt werden muss, geht es in den Kandidatenstaaten um die Vermittlung der Für und 1 Schlussfolgerung des Vorsitzes, Europäischer Rat (Laeken), 14. und 15. Dezember 2002, inbesondere Annex 1 Zur Zukunft der Europäischen Union. 2 Eurobarometer März 2002, im Durchschnitt vertrauen 41% EU-Bürger der EU. 3 Eurobarometer März 2002. Katharina von Schnurbein Wider eines EU-Beitritts. Während allerdings in den Mitgliedstaaten nie bindend beurteilt werden wird, ob die „Nahebringung“ erfolgreich war, wird in vielen Kandidatenländern, so auch Tschechien, mit aller Wahrscheinlichkeit in der zweiten Jahreshälfte 2003 in einem Referendum die Unterstützung für die EU und die Beitrittswilligkeit der Bürger auf den Prüfstand gestellt.
2002
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/177/1/dp_c105_schnurbein.pdf
von Schnurbein, Katharina (2002) Der tschechische EU-Beitritt: Politischer Prozess wider die öffentliche Meinung = The Integration of the Czech Republic into the EU: Political Process against Public Opinion. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002, C 105. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/177/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:198
2011-02-15T22:14:56Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166666C65676974696D616379
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
The European Commission’s White Paper Governance: A ‘Tool-Kit’ for closing the legitimacy gap of EU policymaking? ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 94
Höreth, Marcus
governance: EU & national level
enlargement
legitimacy
[Introduction]. Reflecting on European Governance and its problems is in fashion these days. Given that the European Commission has a double function as a European executive in the "heart of the Union" and as a promoter of new ideas and concepts it is not surprising that the Commission recently contributed to the intense academic and political debate over this problem. Romano Prodi himself announced at the outset of his new 2000-2005 Commission its purpose of "promoting new forms of European governance" as one of the key strategic objectives. Obviously, given the scandals of the previous Santer Commission, this goal setting was motivated by, and was a necessary reaction to, growing concerns for the legitimacy of the Union’s framework of governance. Besides Neil Kinnock’s institutional reform programme, which is concentrated on the Commission’s internal problems, the provisional result of these broader inter-institutional reflections on governance is the publication of the White Paper. Unfortunately, for many reasons, the White Paper’s contribution towards understanding and towards closing the legitimacy gap of European governance is not very helpful. In this paper I try to figure out the shortcomings and probably unintentional negative implications of many proposals the Commission made on the subject. It can be demonstrated that the Commission’s good intention to reinforce its role in European policy-making, both in preparing policy actions and implementing them, could do serious damage to the fragile institutional set-up of the Union. Moreover, it is likely that adopting its governance proposals could lead to an even deeper legitimacy crisis in the future than the EU is already suffering today. I will develop my argument in three steps. First, I will give an overview on the multifarious aspects of European governance and its legitimacy problems in the shadow of the imminent enlargement. Against this background, it is easier to evaluate the usefulness of the Commission proposals culminating in the advice to "revitalise the Community method" (p. 29). Secondly, I will introduce the Commission’s approach, its problem perception and its proposed solutions. In a third step I will highlight some analytical shortcomings and overlooked negative implications of the proposals made by the Commission.
2001
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/198/1/dp_c94_hoereth.pdf
Höreth, Marcus (2001) The European Commission’s White Paper Governance: A ‘Tool-Kit’ for closing the legitimacy gap of EU policymaking? ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 94. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/198/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:206
2011-02-15T22:14:58Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166667075626C69636F70696E696F6E
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
The Big Leap to the West: The Impact of EU on the Finnish Political System. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 89
Raunio, Tapio
Wiberg, Matti
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
Finland
European elections/voting behavior
public opinion
political parties
Introduction. When analysing Finland’s integration policy, one is struck by the speed with which the political leadership turned its gaze from the East to the West. Within less than a decade Finland changed his status from a nonaligned country with close political relations with the Soviet Union to a full member of both the European Union (EU) and the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). It was not enough that Finland just joined the EU: the last three Finnish governments, starting from the centre-right coalition cabinet which took office in 1991, have decided that Finland’s place is in the inner core of the union. While rhetorically claiming to be interested in developing the EU as an intergovernmental project, the practical steps taken have shown that the recent governments have been willing to support and also put forward initiatives that strengthen the supranational nature of the Union. Finland has not at any instance seriously questioned the general development of integration: in this sense it has become a harmless participant in the inner core of the Union. Several observers have praised Finland’s commitment to integration. Finns have received credit from their European colleagues for their pragmatic and co-operative approach. For example, according to The Economist: Since joining the EU in 1995, and despite coming from its most distant edge, they [the Finns] have displayed an almost uncanny mastery of its workings. Many point to them as the very model of how a "small country" (vast in land mass, but with only 5.2 m people) should operate within the EU’s institutions: not preachy like the Swedes, not difficult like the Danes, not over-ambitious like the Austrians, merely modest and purposeful, matching a sense of principle with a sense of proportion. Another example was given by the European Voice, which in its leader, titled "Finnish presidency ends on triumphant note", argued among other things that ‘the Finnish presidency has proved once again that small countries are often the most adept at managing the EU’s business’ and that ‘the Finns have shown that a presidency which begins on an unauspicious note can end with plaudits from all sides’. The Finnish determined approach stands in contrast to the hesitant EU policies of both Denmark and Sweden. What explains this pragmatism and commitment to integration? Does the public share the commitment shown by the political elite? We argue that Finnish integration policy is very much driven by the need to secure her place among the Western European countries and to influence EU decisions in order to protect national interests. Support for the deepening of integration or for federalism is weak among the public and the parties, with integration primarily seen as an efficient way of furthering national economic and security objectives. The chapter is divided into six sections. In the next part we present the reasons that led Finland to apply for European Community (EC) membership. The third part focuses on the 1994 referendum and explores its main issues and cleavages. In the fourth section we analyse the impact of membership on party politics and administration. Europeanisation of the Finnish polity and public opinion are examined in section five. In the concluding section we discuss briefly the main aspects of Finnish integration policy, with emphasis on the future development of the Union.
2001
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/206/1/dp_c89_wiberg.pdf
Raunio, Tapio and Wiberg, Matti (2001) The Big Leap to the West: The Impact of EU on the Finnish Political System. ZEI Discussion Papers: 2001, C 89. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/206/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:230
2019-12-13T18:01:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D46:46303332
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303134
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D41:7265736561726368696E6777726974696E6745554954
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303037
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Does Culture Matter? The Relevance of Culture in Politics and Governance in the Euro-Mediterranean Zone. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002: C 111
de Soysa, Indra
Zervakis, Peter
Harrison, Lawrence E.
von Beyme, Klaus
Arkoun, Mohammed
Weede, Erich
Özbudun, Ergun
Salem, Paul
Xenakis, Dimitris K.
Chryssochoou, Dimitris
Calleya, Stephan
Biancheri, Franck
Kühnhardt, Ludger
governance: EU & national level
democracy/democratic deficit
researching and writing the EU (see also integration theory in this section)
enlargement
EU-Islam
EU-Mediterranean/Union for the Mediterranean
Turkey
[Table of Contents]: Culture and Governance in the Mediterranean – A Rationale and Overview, by Indra de Soysa and Peter Zervakis; The Relevance of Culture in Democratic Governance – Lessons from the Western Hemisphere, by Lawrence E. Harrison; Culture in Politics and Governance – European Experiences, by Klaus von Beyme; Penser L’Espace Mediterranean, by Mohammed Arkoun; Muslim and Western Civilization – Is Co-Prosperity and Peace Possible?, by Erich Weede; Political Culture and Democracy in Turkey, by Ergun Özbudun; The Crisis of Political Culture in the Arab World – A Conflict of Paradigms, by Paul Salem; Euro-Mediterranean Formations – Cultural Imperatives of System Change, by Dimitris K. Xenakis and Dimitris Chryssochoou; Cross-cultural Currents in the Mediterranean – What Prospects, Stephan Calleya; Politics and Governance in the Mediterranean, by Franck Biancheri; The Mediterranean - New Directions of Research and Policy-Making, by Ludger Kühnha.
Center for European Integration Studies, University of Bonn
de Soysa, Indra
Zervakis, Peter
2002
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/230/1/dp_c111_soysa.pdf
de Soysa, Indra and Zervakis, Peter and Harrison, Lawrence E. and von Beyme, Klaus and Arkoun, Mohammed and Weede, Erich and Özbudun, Ergun and Salem, Paul and Xenakis, Dimitris K. and Chryssochoou, Dimitris and Calleya, Stephan and Biancheri, Franck and Kühnhardt, Ludger (2002) Does Culture Matter? The Relevance of Culture in Politics and Governance in the Euro-Mediterranean Zone. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2002: C 111. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/230/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:236
2011-02-15T22:15:02Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
New Modes of Governance in Europe: Policy Making without Legislating? IHS Political Science Series: 2002, No. 81
Héritier, Adrienne
governance: EU & national level
decision making/policy-making
The article analyzes new modes of governance in Europe. Firstly, different types of new governance, the open coordination method and voluntary accords, and their individual elements are identified. The theoretical discussion about them points out the reasons of their emergence, their mode of operation and the links to the ‘classical’ forms of decision-making. Secondly the simple question of the relative importance of new modes of governance in European policy-making is raised. Looking at the policy measures from the beginning of 2000 until July 2001, the analysis found that only a minority of measures can be considered new modes of governance, defined in the above terms. A third question raised concerns political institutional capacity. Finally the question or instrumental capacity or effectiveness is raised.
2002-03
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/236/1/pw_81.pdf
Héritier, Adrienne (2002) New Modes of Governance in Europe: Policy Making without Legislating? IHS Political Science Series: 2002, No. 81. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/236/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:237
2011-02-15T22:15:02Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:7472616E73706172656E6379616363657373646F63756D656E7473
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
How open is ‘open as possible’? Three different approaches to transparency and openness in regulating access to EU documents. IHS Political Science Series: 2001, No. 80
Moser, Cornelia
democracy/democratic deficit
transparency/access to documents
Since the Treaty of Maastricht transparency and openness have been prominent catchwords to counter the European Union’s (EU) so called ‘democratic deficit’. The working paper discusses the rank and position of these principles in democratic theory and looks at their realisation at the EU level. Since the EU-bodies equal transparency and openness mainly with access to information the paper concentrates on the question, which institution is willing to provide best for access to documents. In the course of shaping a new regulation on access to documents in May 2001, the contrasting views of Commission, European Parliament and Council showed up in their respective draft proposals. The different proposals are analysed and assessed with regard to transparency and openness.
2001-11
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/237/1/pw_80.pdf
Moser, Cornelia (2001) How open is ‘open as possible’? Three different approaches to transparency and openness in regulating access to EU documents. IHS Political Science Series: 2001, No. 80. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/237/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:240
2011-02-15T22:15:03Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166666C65676974696D616379
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
What is there to legitimize in the European Union… and how might this be accomplished? IHS Political Science Series: 2001, No. 75
Schmitter, Philippe C.
governance: EU & national level
legitimacy
This paper focuses on the problematique of building the legitimacy (one of the most used and misused concepts in Political Science) of governance (one of the most fashionable concepts in contemporary political discourse) within the context of the European Union (one of the most novel of political experiments). Whether intentionally or not, the EU has become a formidable producer of such arrangements, but lacks a “formula” for their legitimation. The author presents three sets of principles that might be used to guide the design of European Governance Arrangements (EGAs) in order to enhance their legitimacy. He concludes with some caveats, underlining inter alia that EGAs will not resolve all policy issues in the supra-national realm, and they will not work unless firmly based on explicitly political choices involving their charter, the composition of participants and the rules for decision-making. Purely technocratic or administrative considerations will not suffice.
2001-05
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/240/1/pw_75.pdf
Schmitter, Philippe C. (2001) What is there to legitimize in the European Union… and how might this be accomplished? IHS Political Science Series: 2001, No. 75. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/240/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:242
2011-02-15T22:15:03Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:737077656C666172657374617465
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The Democratic Welfare State: A European Regime Under the Strain of European Integration. IHS Political Science Series: 2000, No. 68
Offe, Claus
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
welfare state
democracy/democratic deficit
States are organizations of governance that apply to the people living in a defined territory. But in order to sustain such governance, the people must not just individually obey the law, but also colletively conceive of themselves as "We, the People..", with whom the law originates. For only if I, the individual citizen, have reasons to trust that, they, my fellow citizens, are actually willing to also obey the law, I’ll do so myself. This indispensible sense of belonging to a civic community can be based upon a variety of factors: ethno-cultural, linguistic, civic republican (as in "constitutional patriotism") or social justice. Applying this notion of an indispensible civic infrastructure to the case of European integration, the author discusses a number of potential sources from which the view might be derived that what happens in Europe is a matter of "us, the Europeans". In the absence of a democratic regime in Europe, as well as a European welfare state (to say nothing about a strictly "European culture"), it is not easy to find out possible foundations of European "identity".
2000-03
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/242/1/pw_68.pdf
Offe, Claus (2000) The Democratic Welfare State: A European Regime Under the Strain of European Integration. IHS Political Science Series: 2000, No. 68. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/242/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:281
2011-02-15T22:15:04Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303235
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Ein Maß für Demokratie: Europäische Demokratien im Vergleich = A Measure for Democracy: European Democracies in Comparison. IHS Political Science Series: 2001, No. 76
Abromeit, Heidrun
U.K.
democracy/democratic deficit
decision making/policy-making
Switzerland
Can you measure democracy? Based on previous attempts to operationalise the term "democracy" in such a way that it can be used as a measuring instrument (especially on David Beetham’s indicator-system which forms the basis for his "democratic audit"), a concept will be presented that does not (mis-)understand democracy from the outset as a specific set of institutions but (1) connects democracy firmly to the self-determination of individuals and (2) puts the political institutions in relation to the respective societal structure. Several political systems are then measured by applying this "measure for democracy:" the "motherland of democracy" Great Britain, the "half-direct" democracy of Switzerland and the still evolving political system of the European Union. The following points will be up for examination: - the centres of decision-making and the main actors (inter alia with respect to the question: who takes the final decision?) - the societal structure - the "opportunity structures"; i. e.: where do the "people" come in?
2001-05
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/281/1/pw_76.pdf
Abromeit, Heidrun (2001) Ein Maß für Demokratie: Europäische Demokratien im Vergleich = A Measure for Democracy: European Democracies in Comparison. IHS Political Science Series: 2001, No. 76. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/281/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:289
2019-12-13T18:05:39Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D46:46303231
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6D656469616D65646961
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Möglichkeiten einer engeren Zusammenarbeit in Europa am Beispiel Deutschland - Slowakei = Possibilities of a Closer Cooperation in Europe, with the example of Germany-Slovakia. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1999, C 55
Dzurinda, Mikuláš
Ischinger, Wolfgang
Stern, Juraj
Buerstedde, Ludger
Beuska, Peter
Samson, Ivo
Wenig, Marcus
Machowski, Heinrich
Itanský, Eduard
Alner, Juraj
Kohútiková, Elena
Pfeiffer, Herbert G.
Minaroviè, Maríán
Kulke, Wilhelm
Ochmann, Cornelius
Šubeníková, Ol’ga
Slovak Republic
media
democracy/democratic deficit
Germany
Center for European Integration Studies, University of Bonn
Wenig, Marcus
1999
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/289/1/dp_c55_wenig.pdf
Dzurinda, Mikuláš and Ischinger, Wolfgang and Stern, Juraj and Buerstedde, Ludger and Beuska, Peter and Samson, Ivo and Wenig, Marcus and Machowski, Heinrich and Itanský, Eduard and Alner, Juraj and Kohútiková, Elena and Pfeiffer, Herbert G. and Minaroviè, Maríán and Kulke, Wilhelm and Ochmann, Cornelius and Šubeníková, Ol’ga (1999) Möglichkeiten einer engeren Zusammenarbeit in Europa am Beispiel Deutschland - Slowakei = Possibilities of a Closer Cooperation in Europe, with the example of Germany-Slovakia. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1999, C 55. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/289/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:337
2011-02-15T22:15:13Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303033
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303031
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
The Danish Referendum on the Treaty of Amsterdam Europas? ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 17
Petersen, Nikolaj
Denmark
Amsterdam Treaty
European elections/voting behavior
[From Introduction]. On May 28, 1998, the Danish people approved the Amsterdam Treaty in a referendum by 55.1 per cent of the vote. This was the fifth referendum on Europe since 1972, and more referenda may be in the offing over the next few years. This raises several questions, which this paper tries to answer: Why do referenda play such a major role in the Danish decision system concerning Europe? What is the particular role of referenda in the formulation of Denmark’s EU policy? And what explains the outcome of the recent referendum?
1998
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/337/1/dp_c17_petersen.pdf
Petersen, Nikolaj (1998) The Danish Referendum on the Treaty of Amsterdam Europas? ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 17. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/337/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:340
2011-02-15T22:15:14Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166666C65676974696D616379
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
The Trilemma of Legitimacy. Multilevel Governance in the EU and the Problem of Democracy. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 11
Höreth, Marcus
governance: EU & national level
democracy/democratic deficit
legitimacy
[Introduction]. As the European Communities have unquestionably been exercising govermental power for many years, there is a need for democratic legitimation of this specific "Governance without Statehood." To a far greater extent than ordinary international organizations, the European Union has crossed the boundary from horizontal interstate cooperation to vertical policy-making in a dynamic multi-level system, in which the member states are but one level of the polity. The European Union has developed into a new type of political system which lacks many of the features we associate with democratic governance. Whereas in the past the EC relied on indirect legitimacy based on its member states and their complete control of European policy-making, the "uneven denationalization" evoked by the European integration indicates that the sovereign state cannot remain the sole focus of normative reflection. Since the Single European Act (SEA) and the Treaty on European Union (TEU) the forced transfer of political decisions and allocations from the national to the European level has weakened democratic influence and control at the national level without having been compensated by equally strong democratic institutions and processes at the European level. Therefore, the European Union is a new subject for theories of legitimacy which poses fundamental questions to the established principles and concepts of democratic theory. In this discussion paper I try to develop an argument why neither politicians nor academics still have not found any satisfactory solutions concerning the legitimacy problem of European Governance. First, I will give an overview of the main sources of legitimacy in the Euro-Polity (II.). It will be shown that the strict observation of formal rules of democracy at the European level is not the sole method in which multi-level governance in the EU might gain legitimacy. Regardless of this assumption, it is obvious that European policy-making suffers from a democratic deficit which must be taken seriously from a normative point of view. The academic debate about this democratic deficit is centered on the two dimensions of the problem, which will be presented in chapter III. On the one hand, the institutional arrangement of the EU often is interpreted as non-democratic. On the other hand, it is argued that the EU is unable to be a ‘real’ democracy in principle because the structural and social prerequisites on which democratic rule depends are missing at the European level. These are the main challenges for European constitutional engineering. The final part (IV.) consists of a discussion of varying reform options dealing with the multidimensional legitimacy problem.
1998
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/340/1/dp_c11_hoereth.pdf
Höreth, Marcus (1998) The Trilemma of Legitimacy. Multilevel Governance in the EU and the Problem of Democracy. ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 11. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/340/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:347
2011-02-15T22:15:15Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Governance: A Garbage Can Perspective. IHS Political Science Series: 2002, No. 84
Peters, B. Guy
governance: EU & national level
As I worked through the revisions of this paper I realized that I was to a great extent returning to the dominant themes from one of the first books I ever published. This was Can Government Go Bankrupt?, written with Richard Rose and published in 1978. That book and this paper both deal with the authority of governments and their capacity to govern. Dror (2001) provides a very detailed analysis of governance capacity, but much of that analysis will actually come down to the presence of legitimacy for the governing system, and the capacity to use steering instruments effectively to reach desired collective goals. The issues to be raised in this paper are concentrated primarily on governance questions at the level of central governments and multi-level interactions, rather than of the international system, but much of the same logic of sovereignty/authority is in operation.
2002-12
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/347/1/wp_84.pdf
Peters, B. Guy (2002) Governance: A Garbage Can Perspective. IHS Political Science Series: 2002, No. 84. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/347/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:371
2011-02-15T22:15:17Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6C616E6775616765706F6C696379
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Sprachenvielfalt in der EU - Grenze einer Demokratisierung Europas? = The Diversity of Languages in the EU - Limits for the Democratization of Europe? ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 5
Beierwaltes, Andreas
democracy/democratic deficit
language policy
[From the Introduction]. 1. "Sprachenbabel" in der Europäischen Union Eines der charakteristischen Merkmale der Europäischen Union ist ihre sprachliche Heterogenität. "Das Babel unserer Zeit heißt Europa", so formulierte es Ulrich Saxer. Europa zeichnet sich durch eine ausgeprägte Vielfalt an Sprachen aus. Dabei markiert fast jede Nation eine Gemeinschaft mit gemeinsamer Sprache. Zum Teil jedoch zerfallen diese selbst wiederum in weitere Sprachgemeinschaften (z. B. Spanien, Belgien). Unter diesen Bedingungen erscheint eine Kommunikation zwischen den Bürgern der einzelnen Mitgliedsstaaten unmöglich - ein Problem, das in letzter Zeit immer häufiger zum Gegenstand demokratietheoretischer Diskussionen geworden ist.
1998
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/371/1/dp_c05_beierwaltes.pdf
Beierwaltes, Andreas (1998) Sprachenvielfalt in der EU - Grenze einer Demokratisierung Europas? = The Diversity of Languages in the EU - Limits for the Democratization of Europe? ZEI Discussion Papers: 1998, C 5. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/371/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:383
2011-02-15T22:15:26Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:676C6F62616C69736174696F6E676C6F62616C697A6174696F6E
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
European integration and environment: are we going towards a cleaner federal State? JMWP No. 02.96, December, 1996
Barbagallo, Valentina
governance: EU & national level
European Parliament
globalisation/globalization
decision making/policy-making
environmental policy (including international arena)
The purpose of this paper is to find out the link existing among globalization, fragmentation and integration within the European Union, with special reference to the protection of environment. The basic assumption is that for the reason why environmental protection requires a strengthening of co-operation among member states, the EU represents an unique arena to analyse the way environmental problems are faced and (possibly) solved. At the same time, making use of the multi-level governance model, we aim at analysing the general process of integration affecting the Union, under the pressures coming both from globalization and fragmentation, showing how environmental protection has contributed to the process itself. The multi-level governance model, stating that "European integration is a polity creating process in which authority and policy-making influence are shared across multiple levels of government", perfectly suits with EU environmental policy since contacts between multiple levels of government are required, especially in the stage of implementation. The paper is made up of three main parts. In the first one a general insight on globalization, fragmentation and European integration is provided: the starting point is that the process of globalization affecting the planet and challenging the Nation-state as main actor of international politics needs to be taken into account when analysing the process of European integration. In the same way, pushes towards fragmentation are taken into account. The second part deals with multi-level governance and the way it explains the evolution of the European Union. In the third part a general view of the evolution of EU environmental policy is provided, lingering on the main instrument used by the Union to reach its environmental targets. The final part analyses the processes taking place within the EU and bringing to an effective environmental policy; focusing on the role played by the European Parliament and its Environmental Committee, in shaping EU environmental policy, the multi-level governance lens will be used to discuss the Union approach to environment. As stated in the title, there is a dominating question in the paper: are we going towards a cleaner federal state? Reading through the lines, it will be possible to perceive an inclination towards a federalist interpretation of the EU evolution, though the federalist process is not conceived as a compulsory target, but a "suggested" model chosen for its suitability with the multi-level structure that characterises the EU today.
1996-12
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/383/1/jmwp02.htm
Barbagallo, Valentina (1996) European integration and environment: are we going towards a cleaner federal State? JMWP No. 02.96, December, 1996. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/383/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:384
2011-02-15T22:15:27Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303038
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166667075626C69636F70696E696F6E
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:443030313033394575726F7065616E636974697A656E73686970
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
European citizenship and European identity: from the Treaty of Maastricht to public opinion attitudes. JMWP No. 03.96, December, 1996
Panebianco, Stefania
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
European citizenship
Maastricht Treaty
public opinion
In order to answer the question whether the establishment of European citizenship helped to develop a European identity, both institutional and empirical aspects of European citizenship and European identity will be taken into account. The distinction between the formal meaning of citizenship as established in the Treaty of Maastricht on the European Union (TEU) and the attitudes of the Europeans is useful as it results from the Eurobarometer (EB) data on whether European public opinion is aware of the attempts to bring the European Union (EU) closer to the citizens. To understand the contemporary debate on the meaning of European identity, issues such as the relationship between European identity and national identity, and the necessity of strengthening the europeanness in order to indirectly increase the public support to the EU, will be addressed. The process of European integration is today faced with contradictory trends. On the one hand, there is increasing economic interdependence, the advantages of a large scale economy, the necessity of co-operation to cope with environmental disasters or epidemics, etc. On the other, there are local movements claiming for independence in the name of a particular local identity. In an era of globalization and fragmentation, the only way to cope with the clash between identities is to develop and spread a broader concept of European identity. The Maastricht Treaty established a "multiple citizenship". In a similar way, we can refer to a European "multiple identity" by considering local, regional, and national identities as compatible without excluding the one from the other. Recent empirical results indicate that the majority of Europeans declare having both a national and a European identity, demonstrating that they consider them compatible. But when asked to make a choice, the national attachment prevails. In reality, in the TEU the citizens are not asked to choose to have either a national identity or a European one. Identity cannot be analysed in terms of zero-sum games.
1996-12
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/384/1/jmwp03.htm
Panebianco, Stefania (1996) European citizenship and European identity: from the Treaty of Maastricht to public opinion attitudes. JMWP No. 03.96, December, 1996. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/384/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:399
2011-02-15T22:15:30Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Strategies for democratising multi-state systems and the European Union. JMWP No. 28.00, November 2000
Attina, Fulvio
democracy/democratic deficit
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
European Parliament
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
The issue of building democracy in a multi-state political system is examined in the first section of the paper. Three options for multi-state democracy are analysed in this section. The introduction of the three options in the history of the European integration process is analysed in the first section in relation with the debate on the reform of the European institutions. The second section analyses how the reform of the legislative process of the European Union has enhanced the role of the European Parliament and political parties in agreement with the third option of multi-state democracy. The third section examines the debate on the role of national parliaments in the European Union as an instrument of the first and second option of multi-state democracy. In the last section of the paper, the issue of the accountability of the EU executive is analysed as the crucial issue of the third option of democratisation of the European Union.
Barbagallo, Valentina
2000-11
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/399/1/jmwp28.htm
Attina, Fulvio (2000) Strategies for democratising multi-state systems and the European Union. JMWP No. 28.00, November 2000. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/399/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:401
2013-11-03T03:02:46Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
International Relations and European Integration Theory: The Role of the European Parliament. JMWP No. 26.00, January 2000
Viola, Donatella M.
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
European Parliament
political parties
[From the Introduction]. Winding through the maze of International Relations and European integration theories can be a lengthy and arduous challenge. The following overview, which is by no means exhaustive, intends to illustrate briefly the major theoretical assumptions relevant to European integration and set them, where possible, within the mainstream of International Relations theory, an explicit linkage which is too rarely made. In order to further highlight their relevance to this thesis, an attempt is also made to identify the role played or to be played by the European Parliament within the various original theoretical models, which are used as hermeneutic devises. Finally, variants of relevant concepts are tailored to allow for a theoretical conceptualization of political groups in the Europarliamentary environment.
Barbagallo, Valentina
2000-01
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/401/1/jmwp26.htm
Viola, Donatella M. (2000) International Relations and European Integration Theory: The Role of the European Parliament. JMWP No. 26.00, January 2000. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/401/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:405
2011-02-15T22:15:32Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Strategies for Democratising the European Union and the Issue of the Election of the President of the Commission. JMWP No. 19.98, November 1998
Attina, Fulvio
governance: EU & national level
democracy/democratic deficit
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
European Parliament
political parties
decision making/policy-making
The issue of building democracy in multi-state political systems is examined in the first section of the essay. Three options for multi-state democracy are analyzed. The second section analyses how the reform of the decisional procedures of the European Union has advanced the role of the European Parliament and the political parties. The third section examines the debate on the role of national parliaments in the European Union because this is an issue of great importance for the European Union as a multi-state democracy. Finally, the paper analyses the issue of the accountability of the EU executive because this is the crucial issue of the democratisation of the European Union in the years ahead.
Barbagallo, Valentina
1998-11
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/405/1/jmwp19.htm
Attina, Fulvio (1998) Strategies for Democratising the European Union and the Issue of the Election of the President of the Commission. JMWP No. 19.98, November 1998. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/405/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:409
2011-02-15T22:15:33Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303035
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Democracy and Integration Theory in the 1990s: A Study in European Polity-Formation. JMWP No. 14.98, June 1998
Chryssouchoou, Dimitris N.
IGC 1996
democracy/democratic deficit
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
[From the Introduction]. To begin our theoretical journey, students of European 'polity-formation' are confronted with a fundamental theoretical challenge: to conceptualise the emerging patterns of interaction between the collectivity and the segments by taking into account the intersection of different theoretical approaches. The aim is to enhance our understanding of the structural properties and operational dynamics of European governance after the formal conclusion of yet another formal treaty revision. However one classifies the end-product of the 1996/97 Intergovernmental Conference (IGC), the following set of questions warrant our attention. What is new about European integration in the 1990s? Is it possible to classify the emerging European polity under a comprehensive model of governance? If 'yes', then what conceptual and analytical lenses should be used? What are the limits and possibilities of an 'ever closer union' among distinct, yet highly interdependent, polities? Has a terminal state of integration become discernible? Finally, what is the dominant character of the relationship between democracy (as indirect demos control) and integration (as polity-formation)? These questions form part of a wider research agenda which revolves around a plurality of interrelated issues: the future of the European state system; the viability of democratic arrangements within and across pre-established borders; novel forms of large-scale community-building, multiple identity-holding and formal constitutional engineering; the locus of sovereignty over an ever expanding array of transnational activities; the relationship between the functional scope, territorial scale and integrative level of joint decision-making; the institutionalisation of new avenues of political communication, and the question of citizen identification with EU structures. The above list may well be extended to cover most areas of regional political life, cutting across the conventional disciplines in the study of the EU. In this article, such an ensemble of concepts and ideas is treated within the wider theoretical laboratory of European 'polity-formation': the creation of a profound locking together of distinct culturally defined and politically organised units within a larger, purposive whole.
Barbagallo, Valentina
1998-06
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/409/1/jmwp14.htm
Chryssouchoou, Dimitris N. (1998) Democracy and Integration Theory in the 1990s: A Study in European Polity-Formation. JMWP No. 14.98, June 1998. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/409/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:419
2011-02-15T22:15:35Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706767656E6572616C
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
La democrazia dell'Unione Europea e la riforma del Secondo Pilastro. The democratization of the European Union and the reform of the Second Pillar. JMWP No. 01.96, December 1996
Longo, Francesca.
democracy/democratic deficit
common foreign & security policy 1993--European Global Strategy
general
[From the Introduction]. La democratizzazione dell'Unione Europea è una questione da tempo presente nel dibattito sull'integrazione. Il grado e le forme di partecipazione dei cittadini europei ai processi decisionali comuni sono certamente problemi di primaria importanza nell'ambito delle riforme attualmente in corso che incrementeranno il potere del sistema politico dell'UE di assumere decisioni vincolanti, sostituendosi o affiancandosi ai sistemi politici degli stati membri nello svolgimento della funzione di governo del territorio e della popolazione.
Barbagallo, Valentina
1996-12
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/419/1/jmwp01.htm
Longo, Francesca. (1996) La democrazia dell'Unione Europea e la riforma del Secondo Pilastro. The democratization of the European Union and the reform of the Second Pillar. JMWP No. 01.96, December 1996. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/419/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:431
2011-02-15T22:15:36Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The Shotgun Marriage: Managing Eurosceptical Opinion in British Political Parties 1972-2002"
Baker, David
U.K.
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
political parties
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
In party management terms European Union represents a clear case of an uncomfortable political ‘shotgun marriage’, in the sense that UK party leaders and their managers have to deal with an evolving, highly controversial, and largely externally driven policy agenda, whilst operating an internal system of party discipline predicated on a set of largely predictable and negotiable (or at least enforceable) domestic agendas. This paper deals with the problems this has caused for party management and party cohesion in British party politics between 1972 and 2002.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/431/1/Baker_EUSA_'The_Shotgun_Marriage'_Final_Version2.doc
Baker, David (2003) "The Shotgun Marriage: Managing Eurosceptical Opinion in British Political Parties 1972-2002". In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, Tennessee. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/431/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:440
2020-01-07T22:22:34Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:4430303173706F727473
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303132
74797065733D70726F63656564696E6773
"Sport Governance and European Integration"
Barani, Luca
sports
European Court of Justice/Court of First Instance
decision making/policy-making
governance: EU & national level
This paper is concerned with the issue of interaction between Sport governance, performed by private sporting authorities at the national and trans-national levels, and the dynamics of European integration promoted by the Community institutions. The object of the paper is going to be the functioning of the decision-making mechanism in the European Union (EU) in a specific case study, namely the Sport regulation. A special attention is given to the role played by the European Court of Justice (ECJ), in connection with other EU institutions, in the making of the regulatory framework to apply to the Sport field. This paper will try to make a contribution to the discussion, initiated before the Maastricht Treaty, about the likely process of re-politicization of the integration process, which was expected to happen as a consequence of this highly significant step. The period taken in consideration stretches from the Bosman ruling, December 1995, to the Nice Treaty, December 2000.
2003
Conference Proceedings
NonPeerReviewed
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/440/1/Nashville.doc
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/440/2/Nashville.txt
Barani, Luca (2003) "Sport Governance and European Integration". [Conference Proceedings] (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/440/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:455
2011-02-15T22:15:39Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Is the European Union still sui generis? Signals from the White Paper on European Governance"
Jenson, Jane
Saint-Martin, Denis
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
governance: EU & national level
This paper argues that the EU is becoming more like a national state, because the latter are adopting many of the practices of governance which the White Paper on European Governance proposed in its report. These involve changes to the citizenship regimes of national states, including Member States of the EU, on the dimensions of the responsibility mix, rights and responsibilities, access and belonging.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/455/1/Jenson%2DSaint%2DMartin%2DEUSA_2003_1_.pdf
Jenson, Jane and Saint-Martin, Denis (2003) "Is the European Union still sui generis? Signals from the White Paper on European Governance". In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, Tennessee. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/455/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:456
2011-02-15T22:15:39Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
“Federalism or Functionalism? The Genesis of the European Union, 1919-1945"
Carls, Alice-Catherine
governance: EU & national level
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
Once dismissed as theoretical and idealistic musings powerless to contain the rise of totalitarianism, interwar projects of European integration are very much in the limelight today. The men and women who dreamed of a new European order between 1919 and 1945 thoroughly examined and evaluated the issues, built and reflected on possible political edifices, and held countless discussions, therefore preparing new generations of leaders as well as readying public opinion. They fascinate us by their wisdom, insight, pragmatism; they came from all walks of life: politicians, trade unionists, churches and clergy, elected officials, intellectuals, artists, philosophers, lobbyists, and businessmen; and they carried forth the dream of peace and happiness that they carried forward. Their legacy is invaluable. We realize how much the European Union owes them, and how necessary their work of reflection and maturing was. The present paper has two goals: firstly, to present a broad historical background, and secondly, to present a new paradigm. Firstly, this paper aims at showing the breadth and depth of interwar actions and discussions promoting European integration, therefore proving their importance – a task that historians have begun, but that has not yet been fully developed. Secondly, this paper aims at discussing more particularly the nature of functionalist and federalist schemes for Europe. Once thought irreconcilable and presented in an either/or dilemma, these schemes will be considered here as building blocks that helped each other after World War II. Their unifying factor was the consensual desire to transcend the nation-state and to build new institutions. This paper is meant to be a departure point toward new interpretations and new research topics.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
PeerReviewed
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/456/1/carls_origins.doc
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/456/2/carls_origins.txt
Carls, Alice-Catherine (2003) “Federalism or Functionalism? The Genesis of the European Union, 1919-1945". In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, Tennessee. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/456/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:473
2011-02-15T22:15:40Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303033
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166666C65676974696D616379
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Democratic legitimacy in the EU: the Role of National Parliaments"
Vos, Hendrik
Decock, Jeroen
governance: EU & national level
democracy/democratic deficit
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
European Parliament
legitimacy
European Convention
Enhancing democratic legitimacy in the multilevel European polity is an important challenge. The results of eurobarometer, the outcome of referenda on EU-related topics, demonstrations at European summits etc.: they all show a weakening of the legitimacy of the European political system. In our traditional view on democracy ‘parliaments’ contribute towards the legitimacy of political projects. In this regard, the European Parliament has a crucial part to play. The Laeken Declaration states that national parliaments have an important role as well. But one needs to be careful. When talking about ‘democratic legitimacy’ one has to distinguish between input-oriented legitimacy (government by the people) and output-oriented effectiveness (government for the people). There are elements of conflict: involving national parliaments more closely in the decision-making procedures (one way to enhance democracy at the input-side) will probably complicate the decision-making process. This could have a negative impact on the institutional capacity for effective problem-solving at the EU-level and prevent European institutions from conveying output-oriented legitimacy. This paper examines the different proposals submitted to the Convention on Europe’s future on strengthening the influence of national parliaments. Specific attention is paid to the tension between input- and output-legitimacy. Our conclusion is that although most proposals would have adverse effects on effective policy-making, there are still possibilities for national parliaments to get more grip on European policies (thus enhancing democracy at the input-side), without complicating the decision-making process (thus not restricting effectiveness).
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/473/1/parliaments.htm
Vos, Hendrik and Decock, Jeroen (2003) "Democratic legitimacy in the EU: the Role of National Parliaments". In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, Tennessee. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/473/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:485
2011-02-15T23:43:39Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:503
2011-02-15T23:43:46Z
oai:aei.pitt.edu:521
2011-02-15T22:15:40Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Formal and Informal Ratification in the European Union". [University of Illinois EUC Working Paper, Vol. 3, No. 1.]
Pahre, Robert
governance: EU & national level
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
Putnam's theory "two-level games" has spawned numerous studies examining the interaction between international and domestic politics, many focusing on politics in the European Union. While noting that ratification may be formal or informal, much of this literature treats each important domestic actor as if it has de facto formal ratification power. This means that the literature overlooks the very real distinction between formal and informal ratification. Informal ratification may be thought of as a case in which the government pays "audience costs" for unpopular international agreements. In this case, a government must respond continuously to public opinion. This presents constraints very different from those faced by governments who must obtain the formal approval of a legislature (or other actor). For example, divided government has no effect on the likelihood of informal ratification but does affect the distribution of gains, while it often affects the likelihood of formal ratification but has no effect on the distribution of the gains in many cases. Because these kinds of ratification differ significantly, Putnam's ratification metaphor is not always the most appropriate conceptualization of two-level politics in the European Union.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/521/1/PAHRE_INFORMAL_EU.pdf
Pahre, Robert (2003) "Formal and Informal Ratification in the European Union". [University of Illinois EUC Working Paper, Vol. 3, No. 1.]. In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, Tennessee. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/521/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:529
2011-02-15T22:15:40Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
Ideology and Rationality: the Europeanisation of the Scottish National Party
Dardanelli, Paolo
U.K.
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
political parties
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
This paper deals with the impact of Europeanisation on a regionalist party actor: the Scottish National Party (SNP). In investigates how the party reacted to the UK's membership of the European Union and how it adapted its strategy in pursuing its aim of Scottish self-government. The paper does so on the basis of a comparison over time between the periods 1974-1979 and 1988-1997, during which the party played a crucial role in the politics of Scottish self-government. Each of the two periods culminated in a referendum: in 1979 Scottish self-government was rejected whereas in 1997 it was endorsed. Between the dates of the two referendums the SNP radically changed its perception of the EU and its strategic use of 'Europe' for its political ends. In the first period, the SNP was deeply hostile to the EU and portrayed EU membership as an additional obstacle to the achievement of self-government while in the second period it adopted a very positive attitude towards the EU and recentred its strategy around the objective of achieving 'Independence in Europe'. The party thus underwent a process of Europeanisation from hostility to enthusiasm towards the EU. The paper explains this adaptation and accounts for the consequences that the latter had on the politics of self-government in Scotland. It argues that the party's reaction to Europeanisation can be understood as the result of a complex interaction between ideological beliefs and rational strategic calculations.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/529/1/Nashville03.txt
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/529/2/Nashville03.doc
Dardanelli, Paolo (2003) Ideology and Rationality: the Europeanisation of the Scottish National Party. In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, Tennessee, USA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/529/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:530
2011-02-15T22:15:41Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Unraveling the Central State, But How? Types of Multi-Level Governance. IHS Political Science Series: 2003, No. 87
Hooghe, Liesbet
Marks, Gary
governance: EU & national level
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
The reallocation of authority upwards, downwards, and sideways from central states has drawn attention from a growing number of scholars in political science. Yet beyond agreement that governance has become (and should be) multi-level, there is no consensus about how it should be organized. This article draws on several literatures to distinguish two types of multi-level governance. One type conceives of dispersion of authority to general-purpose, non-intersecting, and durable jurisdictions. A second type of governance conceives of task-specific, intersecting, and flexible jurisdictions. We conclude by specifying the virtues of each type of governance.
Michalowitz, Irina
2003-03
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/530/1/wp_87_marks.doc
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/530/2/pw_87.pdf
Hooghe, Liesbet and Marks, Gary (2003) Unraveling the Central State, But How? Types of Multi-Level Governance. IHS Political Science Series: 2003, No. 87. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/530/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:531
2011-02-15T22:15:41Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166667075626C69636F70696E696F6E
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Europe Divided? Elites vs. Public Opinion on European Integration. IHS Political Science Series: 2003, No. 88
Hooghe, Liesbet
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
public opinion
This article compares preferences for Europeanizing thirteen policies among European elites, national elites, and public opinion. Elites are more willing to cede national authority in sovereignty areas, but citizens are more favorable to EU social policies. Are there contrasting logics at work? The answer is two-sided. Elites and public preferences are similar in that both are least enthusiastic about Europeanizing high-spending policies. Here is a common distributional logic: shifting authority could de-stabilize vested interests. However, as the single market intensifies labor market volatility, the public seeks to contain this distributional risk through selectively Europeanizing market-flanking policies. In contrast, elite preferences are consistent with a functional rationale, which conceives European integration as an optimal solution for internalizing externalities beyond the national state.
Michalowitz, Irina
2003-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/531/1/wp_88_hooghe.doc
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/531/2/pw_88.pdf
Hooghe, Liesbet (2003) Europe Divided? Elites vs. Public Opinion on European Integration. IHS Political Science Series: 2003, No. 88. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/531/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:543
2011-02-15T22:15:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:737067656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303132
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303330
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Partnerships in Policy and Evaluation: European, Development Country and Member State Experiences. EIPA Paper: 02PAH
Ahonen, Pertti
regional policy/structural funds
development
governance: EU & national level
general
This study focuses on the congruence between partnerships in policies and programmes and partnerships in the evaluation of policies and programmes. It employs three case studies. The first case considers a "social partnership" in a European Structural Funds programme and its subsequent evaluation. The second case examines a development co-operation partnership between developing and developed partners, including consideration of partnerships in evaluation. The third case investigates co-operation between a national government and local governments, making use of the concept "subsidiarity" and its implications for partnerships. The conceptual framework classifies programmes and evaluations according to the degree and type of partnership involved. When partnership is of a similar type in a programme and its evaluation, this study calls the situation congruent. In the three cases analysed, some degrees of congruence between the type of partnership in a programme and its evaluation are generally present. The research approach and the conceptual framework point to causes for deviation from the congruence. The approach and the framework also lead one to focus on reasons for the differences between the intended type and degree of partnership and the actual type and degree that materialised. Weak representatives of the programme beneficiaries, capacity deficiencies of partners that are targets of development efforts and mistrust between partners jeopardise partnerships. The study bears certain implications for partnerships in European programmes and their evaluations.
2000
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/543/1/02PAH.pdf
Ahonen, Pertti (2000) Partnerships in Policy and Evaluation: European, Development Country and Member State Experiences. EIPA Paper: 02PAH. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/543/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:544
2011-02-15T22:15:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303138:656C6D656D706C6F796D656E74756E656D706C6F796D656E74
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Soft Governance, Agile Union? Analysis of the Extensions of Open Coordination in 2000. EIPA Paper: 18.IV-2001
Ahonen, Pertti
governance: EU & national level
employment/unemployment
decision making/policy-making
This is a study of the open method of coordination of European Union policies. Open coordination is studied here as a "soft" method of European policy-making from the perspective of European governance and related networks. The method’s first field of application were the European employment policies. The 2000 European Councils expanded the method to several new policy fields. The Commission’s policy plans imply further expansions of the method. It is possible to analyse aspects of the method right now and to spell out its first evaluations. However, it is necessary to elaborate upon the analyses and expand the evaluations while the method’s applications mature and while the method covers further policy fields.
2001
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/544/1/01PAH.pdf
Ahonen, Pertti (2001) Soft Governance, Agile Union? Analysis of the Extensions of Open Coordination in 2000. EIPA Paper: 18.IV-2001. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/544/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:548
2011-02-15T22:15:44Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303131
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166666C65676974696D616379
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706767656E6572616C
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Governance by Committee: The Role of Committees in European Policy Making and Policy Implementation. EIPA Research Paper 00/GHA
Neuhold, Christine
Schäfer, Günther F.
Haibach, Georg
Türk, Alexander
Larsson, Torbjörn
Maurer, Andreas
general
European Council
European Parliament
legitimacy
decision making/policy-making
[From the Introduction]. The objective of the state of the art report is to provide an overview of the state of knowledge in each of the subprojects and to sketch briefly how the research to be carried out will complement and contribute to this body of knowledge. Since there has been very little research on the objects of the subprojects on Parliament, Council and comitology, their reports are relatively brief. It is an entirely different story with the theoretical project on legitimacy and EU-committees, where the authors have tried to focus on the key issues, referring only to publications that are most relevant for our research. The subject matter could easily fill a book. Table of Contents: 1. General Introduction; 2. Subproject 1: The Standing Committees in the European Parliament, by Christine Neuhold; 3. Subproject 2: Committees and Working Parties in the Council; 4. Subproject 3: Policy Implementation and Comitology Committees, by Günther F. Schäfer, Georg Haibach and Alexander Türk; 5. Subproject 4: The Committee System, Legitimacy, Citizen’s perceptions and Acceptance of the EU-system of Governance, by Torbjörn Larsson and Andreas Maurer.
2000-05
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/548/1/main.pdf
Neuhold, Christine and Schäfer, Günther F. and Haibach, Georg and Türk, Alexander and Larsson, Torbjörn and Maurer, Andreas (2000) Governance by Committee: The Role of Committees in European Policy Making and Policy Implementation. EIPA Research Paper 00/GHA. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/548/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:554
2011-02-15T22:15:44Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303330
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Europeanization: A Governance Approach"
Bache, Ian
U.K.
governance: EU & national level
regional policy/structural funds
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
Europeanization studies reveal considerable variation in the impact of the EU on member states. In this context, this paper argues for an approach to Europeanization that is sensitive to the national context. As such, the governance approach offered here incorporates the insights of the Differentiated Polity (DP) model developed by Rhodes as an organising perspective for understanding contemporary British politics and government. The paper has seven sections. Section two considers a number of first generation Europeanization studies, which focus on institutional adaptation to EU pressures; section three considers second generation concerns of ideas, values and identity; section four addresses the definitional issues that abound in the literature and suggests a definition that embraces first and second generation concerns; section five develops a governance approach to the study of Europeanization; section six utilises this approach in relation to EU regional policy; section seven concludes by reflecting on the utility of the governance approach to Europeanization.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/554/1/Bache_EUSA.txt
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/554/2/Bache_EUSA.doc
Bache, Ian (2003) "Europeanization: A Governance Approach". In: UNSPECIFIED, Nashville, Tennessee, USA. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/554/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:584
2011-02-15T22:15:50Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D41:7465616368696E674555637572726963756C756D
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303130
7375626A656374733D46:46303431
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Nationalism, Regional Multiculturalism and Democracy. ZEI European Studies and South Eastern Europe Papers, SEE 2, 2002
Devic, Ana
EU-South-Eastern Europe (Balkans)
Serbia/Montenegro (to June 2006)
democracy/democratic deficit
teaching the EU-curriculum
[From the Preface]. This publication is part of a series which was established in 2001 in order to make available teaching and learning material specifically for European Studies programmes throughout South Eastern Europe. The series makes public the results of research projects conducted in the framework of the "Network for European Studies in South Eastern Europe" which is one of the major undertakings of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe. The Network was founded in January 2000 and now comprises almost 40 universities and institutes both from South Eastern and Western Europe. Table of Contents. Multiculturalism and culturalism. A social scientific critique of the political philosophy of multiculturalism, by Hans Vermeulen and Boris Slijper; Nationalism, Regional Multiculturalism and Democracy in the Province of Vojvodina, Serbia’s "Multiethnic Haven", by Ana Devic; Didactical questions; Basic literature.
2002
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/584/1/see_02_2002.pdf
Devic, Ana (2002) Nationalism, Regional Multiculturalism and Democracy. ZEI European Studies and South Eastern Europe Papers, SEE 2, 2002. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/584/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:591
2011-02-15T22:15:51Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D46:46303330
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706767656E6572616C
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
"Parliamentary Democracy": some preliminary findings. JMWP No. 48.02, November 2002
Stavridis, Stelios.
democracy/democratic deficit
general
Cyprus
EU-Mediterranean/Union for the Mediterranean
There has been a significant growth in the number of transnational parliamentary bodies recently. National parliaments have also become more active in international relations. This phenomenon, which remains under-researched at the academic level, has been conveniently dubbed ‘parliamentary diplomacy’. This paper offers a preliminary analysis of what parliamentary diplomacy actually means, based on a number of recent research on Euro-Mediterranean issues. It concludes that parliamentary diplomacy is not the same as parliamentary accountability in foreign and defence policy, although the two are connected. It argues that there are many realities of parliamentary diplomacy. Finally, it also calls for more academic research on the subject.
Barbagallo, Valentina.
2002-11
Working Paper
PeerReviewed
text/html
http://aei.pitt.edu/591/1/jmwp48.htm
Stavridis, Stelios. (2002) "Parliamentary Democracy": some preliminary findings. JMWP No. 48.02, November 2002. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/591/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:632
2011-02-15T22:16:00Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:696E7465726E6174696F6E616C7472616465
7375626A656374733D45:45303037
74797065733D61727469636C65
"United we Stand, Divided we Fall - The European Community and its Member States in the WTO Forum: towards greater Cooperation on Issues of Shared Competence?"
Leal-Arcas, Rafael
governance: EU & national level
GATT/WTO
international trade
The paper is divided into two parts: Chapter 2 explores the problem of the EC in its external trade relations on issues of shared competence with its Member States in a general way, while chapter 3 examines more specifically the EC and mixed agreements from a legal perspective. Here we have analyzed the legal implications of mixed agreements for third parties. The paper concludes that mixity makes life more difficult for everybody involved in any given international trade negotiation and thus gives some recommendations to simplify the complex issue of mixed agreements/shared competence.
European Political-economy Infrastructure Consortium (EPIC)
Schwarzer, Daniela
Tulmets, Elsa
2003-03
Article
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/632/1/LEAL.PDF
Leal-Arcas, Rafael (2003) "United we Stand, Divided we Fall - The European Community and its Member States in the WTO Forum: towards greater Cooperation on Issues of Shared Competence?". European Political Economy Review, 1 (1). 065-079.
http://aei.pitt.edu/632/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:639
2011-02-15T22:16:01Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303438
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303434
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:7472616E73706172656E6379616363657373646F63756D656E7473
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Shifting the Balance of Power? Information Society and its Impact on Trans-national and EU Governance"
Bugdahn, Sonja
information technology policy
information society
governance: EU & national level
transparency/access to documents
This paper discusses some of the impacts the Internet has made so far on forms of various forms of transnational governance. Contrary to expectations, experience with new communication technologies on the local level have so far been disappointing. In my view, this can be explained by the fact that the use of ICT for institutions lies first and foremost in the enhancing of legitimacy. However, local government is usually legitimised by some form of elections. National and local bureaucracies, though more vulnerable in terms of legitimacy, are long-established institutions. By contrast, the legitimacy of many international forms of governance is increasingly contested. The European Union had already to change its policy following the Maastricht Crisis through the introduction of freedom of information legislation. Challenged by NGO coalitions which are empowered by the new ICTs, more and more international organisations seek now to increase procedural legitimacy by using the Internet for electronic consultation.
2000
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/639/1/ICBugdahn.pdf
Bugdahn, Sonja (2000) "Shifting the Balance of Power? Information Society and its Impact on Trans-national and EU Governance". In: UNSPECIFIED, Corfu, Greece.
http://aei.pitt.edu/639/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:641
2011-02-15T22:16:02Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D696D6D6967726174696F6E706F6C696379
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:73706469736372696D696E6174696F6E6D696E6F726974696573
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Dealing with Alien Suffrage: Examples from the EU and Germany"
Day, Stephen
Germany
immigration policy
discrimination/minorities
European elections/voting behavior
[From the Introduction]. The idea of good governance is becoming the latest buzz-word to cast its shadow over the operational nature of domestic and international politics. Within that shadow is the need to ensure the opportunity to participate. The fact that the 5.5 million EU citizens living in other EU Member States have been granted limited political rights is obviously a step forward but the fact that resident aliens and third-country nationals lack equivalent rights and, hence, remain excluded from both the national, local and supranational arena, represents a major challenge to the normative-based idea of good governance. The paper will address two distinct though, perhaps, interconnected issues? [this is a question that will hopefully be answered during the course of field-work immediately prior to the conference]: the issue of EU citizens and alien suffrage and the case of non-citizens and to alien suffrage. While the former looks at developments within the EU, the latter will concern itself with the case of the Turkish minority in Germany. We need to ascertain what is the factor(s) that initiates/ and or drives change?' It is the contention of this paper that one possible driving force, because of the difficulties of addressing such issues at the national political level, could be the European Union. That is not to say that reform at the European level in terms of EU Citizens voting rights, will lead to the vote being given to Third Country Nationals (at the local and European level) or indeed any non-nationals being given the right to vote at the national level, it is rather an assertion that change at the European level begins to change the nature of the political climate within which issues have to be dealt with at the national level. Of course establishing a new norm is going to generate both support and opposition.
2000
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/641/1/ICDay.pdf
Day, Stephen (2000) "Dealing with Alien Suffrage: Examples from the EU and Germany". In: UNSPECIFIED, Corfu, Greece.
http://aei.pitt.edu/641/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:645
2011-02-15T22:16:03Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D46:46303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:737067656E6572616C
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Inflation of Evaluation Methods as an Instrument of Governance in the EU - the Case of the Objective 3 of the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Evaluation of Finnish Products, 1994-1999"
Kankare, Ilkka
Finland
governance: EU & national level
general
My current research examines the use of the ever more common evaluations as an instrument of governance in the European Union. In this paper I argue that the mere refining of evaluation methodology will never suffice to dispose of the fact that whenever large amounts of money are passed from one place to another, a great deal of politics is involved. Not even the best evaluation is a magic tool that automatically allows ignoring contradictory, conflicting interests, or economic, social and cultural factors, or solves the infinite diversity and unpredictability of social reality. Governance- based liturgy, however, maintains a different opinion, presumably with the well grounded justification that governance must be possible even in the midst of ambivalence and uncertainty. From this starting point it becomes, as I will demonstrate, inevitable that a lot of information will remain uncovered, and some of the discovered data will be false. In the scale of European Union, we are dealing with a significant problem. The main reason why the problem has been left without attention is probably that the magnitude of it hasn’t been understood. In this paper I will illustrate what these problems could be, what may result from them, and why they are worth a closer examination. My choice of case is the Objective 3 of European Social Fund (ESF), and particularly the Finnish projects and their evaluations of the period 1994-1999. I hope that after the discussions in the theme group I will have a better understanding and possibly some new ideas about how the problems may reflect to the European context.
2000
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/645/1/ICKankare.pdf
Kankare, Ilkka (2000) "Inflation of Evaluation Methods as an Instrument of Governance in the EU - the Case of the Objective 3 of the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Evaluation of Finnish Products, 1994-1999". In: UNSPECIFIED, Corfu, Greece.
http://aei.pitt.edu/645/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:647
2011-02-15T22:16:03Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D46:46303231
7375626A656374733D46:46303039
7375626A656374733D46:46303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303035
7375626A656374733D46:46303137
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Great expectations - The regional administrative reform in Eastern Central Europe in anticipation of the EU"
Majcherkiewicz, Tatiana.
Slovak Republic
EU-Central and Eastern Europe
enlargement
Poland
Hungary
Czech Republic
governance: EU & national level
[Introduction]. One of the key issues of governance of European Union is relationship between its governance and its boundaries in broad sense adopted by Friis and Murphy, who distinguish (after Smith 1996) four types of EU boundary; geopolitical, institutional, legal, transactional, and cultural. This paper on governance and boundaries between the European Union and Central and Eastern Europe; concentrates one type of barrier; the institutional. This paper on current reform of regional administration in Central and Eastern Europe: Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary an example suggesting adaptation to similar regional structure, as in the European Union. There have been plenitude of studies on 'convergence in Europe', for example, B`rzel investigation of institutional adaptation to Europanizeation in Germany and Spain, Harmsen's comparative study of national administrations of France and the Netherlands and finally, Wollmann's comparison of Great Britain, French and German local government systems; from historic divergence toward convergence?' However, it is likely that a degree of convergence is also taking place in the countries which are not members of the European Union.
2000
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/647/1/ICMajcherkiewicz.pdf
Majcherkiewicz, Tatiana. (2000) "Great expectations - The regional administrative reform in Eastern Central Europe in anticipation of the EU". In: UNSPECIFIED, Corfu, Greece.
http://aei.pitt.edu/647/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:727
2011-02-15T22:16:09Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:656661454D55454D536575726F
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:65666165636F6E6F6D6963706F6C696379
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
The Eurogroup as a space for intergovernmental deliberation
Puetter, Uwe
governance: EU & national level
economic policy
EMU/EMS/euro
Economic policy coordination in the euro-zone relies heavily on the self-commitment of the participating countries given the soft nature of the coordination framework foreseen in the treaty provisions of Economic and Monetary Union. Presenting a theoretical framework for the analysis of the impact of the method of informal ministerial discussions within the Eurogroup on the coordination process the paper argues that the creation of spaces for intergovernmental deliberation are crucial for fostering political unity among the finance ministers of the euro-zone countries, the Commission and the European Central Bank.
2002
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/727/1/C2W3_Puetter.pdf
Puetter, Uwe (2002) The Eurogroup as a space for intergovernmental deliberation. In: UNSPECIFIED, Florence, Italy.
http://aei.pitt.edu/727/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:728
2011-02-15T22:16:09Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:737067656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303138:656C6D656D706C6F796D656E74756E656D706C6F796D656E74
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
The European Employment Strategy as a new governance paradigm for EU level social policy and its implementation through the Open Method of Coordination
Velluti, Samantha
governance: EU & national level
employment/unemployment
general
decision making/policy-making
The paper looks at the European Employment Strategy (EES) within the discourse of New Governance. In particular, I focus on three main research questions. Does the EES, implemented through the 'Open Method of Co-ordination,'(OMC) represent a new mode of policy-making? What is the impact of benchmarking, peer pressure and exchange of best practices at the national level? What is the contribution of the EES and OMC to the extant EC Social Policy regulation in terms of policy transfer? I then suggest a series of amendments to Title VIII and XI of the EC Treaty in order to strengthen the institutional framework of the EES and EC Social Policy sensu lato.
2002
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/728/1/C2W3_Velluti_bibliography.pdf
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/728/2/C2W3_Velluti.pdf
Velluti, Samantha (2002) The European Employment Strategy as a new governance paradigm for EU level social policy and its implementation through the Open Method of Coordination. In: UNSPECIFIED, Florence, Italy.
http://aei.pitt.edu/728/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:767
2019-07-19T17:41:33Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F70676D7369
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303332
74797065733D61727469636C65
A new concept of deepening European integration? The European Research Area and the emerging role of policy coordination in a multi-level governance system
Kaiser, Robert
Prange, Heiko
rtd (RTD) policy/European Research Area
multi-speed integration
governance: EU & national level
This paper examines the boundaries and conditions for the application of the open method of coordination (OMC) in a multi-level governance system. We argue that the OMC is likely to constitute a promising concept of deepening integration only in kinds of policies which, first, are characterized by a high degree of decision-making powers and a significant amount of financial resources at different territorial levels, considerable differences in the structures of the member states’ societal subsystems, as well as considerable differences in the performance of these subsystems across member states; and in which, second, the Community is engaged in the implementation and management of policy measures even at the sub-national level. However, we challenge the assumption that the OMC can be interpreted as a first step towards a genuine Community dimension. We explore our argument with respect the European Research Area. We find that the OMC is likely to be successful if, first of all, regional actors are involved in the decision-making process according to their constitutional role and their institutional capacities, if the Council is accepted as the appropriate arena for the coordination of national policies, and parliamentary control on measures that coordinate national policies is provided by national or regional parliaments, and if the OMC pays attention to the nature of the legislative powers at the European level.
2002-10
Article
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/767/1/A_new_concept_of_deepening_integration_EIOPvers.pdf
Kaiser, Robert and Prange, Heiko (2002) A new concept of deepening European integration? The European Research Area and the emerging role of policy coordination in a multi-level governance system. European Integration Online Papers (EIoP), 6 (18).
http://aei.pitt.edu/767/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:781
2011-02-15T22:16:16Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
74797065733D61727469636C65
Governance by Committee: The Role of Committees in European Policy Making and Policy Implementation
Haibach, Georg
governance: EU & national level
decision making/policy-making
[From the Introduction]. The European Institute of Public Administration is currently conducting a two-year research project on "Governance by Committee: the Role of Committees in European Policy Making and Policy Implementation". The research is partly funded by the key action "Improving Human Potential and the Socio-Economic Knowledge Base" within the Fifth Framework Programme for Research of the European Community. The proliferation of different types of committees performing different functions in the political process characterises contemporary governance at the national, sub-national (regional and local) and supranational (European) levels of government. The increasing role of committees can be seen as a response to the need for an ever-higher level of technical expertise, which stems from the growing complexity of regulating contemporary western societies. In multi-level governance systems such as federal political systems, committees also perform another function: they are mechanisms ensuring efficient co-ordination between the different levels of government. The growing regulatory tasks of the European Community and the need for multi-level co-ordination explain why the committee system is so highly developed in the EC.... Committee structures and processes vary from one policy area to another. The research concentrates on five different policy fields (internal market – in particular telecommunications, the environment, research and development, social affairs and culture). Furthermore, it focuses on committees in the legislative process (the standing committees of the European Parliament and the committees and working parties of the Council) and in the policy implementation process (comitology committees). These three types of committees will be analysed in different subprojects. In addition, a forth subproject will focus on the legitimacy of as well as citizens’ perceptions of the EC Committee system.
2000
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/781/1/2000_2_7.pdf
Haibach, Georg (2000) Governance by Committee: The Role of Committees in European Policy Making and Policy Implementation. EIPASCOPE, 2000 (2). pp. 1-4.
http://aei.pitt.edu/781/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:786
2011-02-15T22:16:17Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
74797065733D61727469636C65
The Agency Model: The Growth of Regulation and Regulatory Institutions in the European Union
Majone, Giandomenico`
governance: EU & national level
Agencies and the new mode of governance. While agencies are certainly not a new feature of public administration in Europe, their importance has grown so much in recent years that they can no longer be treated as marginal additions to more traditional administrative structures. Rather, they should be seen as key elements of a new mode of governance that relies less on the power of taxing and spending – the very foundation of the Keynesian welfare state – and more on the power of making and enforcing rules. Typically, rules are made and enforced by expert agencies operating at arm’s length from government. Thus, the growing significance of the agency model is perhaps the clearest indication of the transition from the interventionist state of the past to the regulatory state of the future. So important are the implications of this transition that this paper deals primarily with regulatory institutions rather than with operational agencies such as the British ‘Next Step’ or the Swedish line agencies. It can be shown, however, that the growth of operational agencies and ‘third party’ government also raises serious regulatory issues.
1997
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/786/1/scop97_3_2.pdf
Majone, Giandomenico` (1997) The Agency Model: The Growth of Regulation and Regulatory Institutions in the European Union. EIPASCOPE, 1997 (3). pp. 1-6.
http://aei.pitt.edu/786/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:795
2011-02-15T22:16:18Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365:70616666676F7665726E616E63657375626E6174696F6E616C726567696F6E616C2F7465727269746F7269616C
74797065733D61727469636C65
The Internal Enlargement of the European Union and the Surplus of the Intermediate Level of Government
Larsson, Torbjörn
governance: EU & national level
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
subnational/regional/territorial
In recent years, many of the Member States have experienced dramatic changes in the organisation of their intermediate level governments, while new ways and channels have been established to enhance the interaction between the intermediate level and the EU institutions. The conditions for what can be described as multi-level governance are changing, and empowered intermediate-level governments are increasingly putting further and new demands on the functioning and organisation of the European Union and its institutions. In this article an overview is given of how the intermediate level of government in the Member States has changed and some of the problems connected with this. Furthermore, different types of interaction between the intermediate level and the EU institutions are examined. What we see in many Member States today is a situation in which new ways of organising the intermediate level of government have been introduced with the aim of improving efficiency and democracy, while old ways are maintained. Therefore, the intermediate level is becoming increasingly complex. In some unitary states the development is heading in a "federal" direction, whilst federal states seem to be embracing the federal character of government even further. But it is a rather strange type of “federalisation”, since in the same country both the degree of autonomy given to different geographical areas and the way in which these new intermediate-level governments are organised may differ quite substantially.
2000
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/795/1/2000_2_4.pdf
Larsson, Torbjörn (2000) The Internal Enlargement of the European Union and the Surplus of the Intermediate Level of Government. EIPASCOPE, 2000 (2). pp. 1-9.
http://aei.pitt.edu/795/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:810
2011-02-15T22:16:22Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303339:74706A6861706A63636D667265656D6F76656D656E74
74797065733D61727469636C65
Who’s a National and Who’s a European? Exercising Public Power and the Legitimacy of Art. 39 4 EC in the 21st Century
Demmke, Christoph
Linke, Uta
governance: EU & national level
free movement/border control
[Summary]. The European Union has experienced dramatic internal and external changes within the last few decades. These changes have deeply affected and changed the traditional concepts, meaning and importance of the principles of sovereignty and nationality. The discussion about the pros and cons of the exception clause to the free movement of workers principle (Art. 39.4 EC) has to been seen from a national and European point of view. Although we agree that there is no reason to transfer to the EU tasks and functions which could be better dealt with on a national basis (e.g. competence to regulate national civil services), this does not apply to the provisions of Art. 39 EC. Today, the number of civil servants moving throughout the Union is very low – a situation which is unlikely to change in the future. This implies that even if Art. 39.4 were deleted there would be no massive increase in mobility in Europe. In addition, a number of developments have taken place in the past few decades which have rendered Art. 39.4 EC old fashioned. Today it poses artificial obstacles to the free movement principle and is more and more difficult to justify. We therefore propose that Member States should restrict its provisions to specific areas of the public sector.
2003
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/810/1/scop2003_2_1.pdf
Demmke, Christoph and Linke, Uta (2003) Who’s a National and Who’s a European? Exercising Public Power and the Legitimacy of Art. 39 4 EC in the 21st Century. EIPSACOPE, 2003 (2). pp. 1-9.
http://aei.pitt.edu/810/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:818
2011-02-15T22:16:24Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
74797065733D61727469636C65
The Next Phase in the Europeanisation of National Ministries: Preparing EU Dialogues
Schout, Adriaan
Bastmeijer, Kees
governance: EU & national level
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
[Summary]. Now that national officials are generally familiarised with EU policy, the next challenge in the Europeanisation of national administrations is to better align national policy initiatives with EU policy developments. New national policies have to be placed in an EU context to prevent re-fragmentation of the internal market and to share experience in policy innovations at EU level. Raising policy innovations to EU level (‘uploading’) requires engaging in EU dialogues to involve colleagues from other Member States and the Commission in the elaboration of policy and discussions on outcomes. Practice shows, for example in countries preparing for the Presidency, that such dialogues are often insufficiently prepared and that the work and resources involved are easily underestimated. As such, too many and premature ideas are being raised by different countries, and one-off workshops are added to the already overloaded EU policy agenda. Therefore, a better selection of viable innovations and a better preparation of EU dialogues are needed. This paper presents a framework for national officials to come to systematically prepared strategies for initiating discussions at EU level about policy innovations.
2003
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/818/1/scop2003_1_2.pdf
Schout, Adriaan and Bastmeijer, Kees (2003) The Next Phase in the Europeanisation of National Ministries: Preparing EU Dialogues. EIPASCOPE, 2003 (1). pp. 1-10.
http://aei.pitt.edu/818/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:826
2011-02-15T22:16:26Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:656661454D55454D536575726F
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166666C65676974696D616379
74797065733D61727469636C65
Vision or Revision: Managing Europe’s Way to EMU
Gretschmann, Klaus
legitimacy
EMU/EMS/euro
In what follows, I will argue that what is much more important than the widely discussed and the selectively emphasized economic aspects is the politics of EMU. Rather than discussing at length the significance of economic variables, such as deficits, debt, inflation or interest rates, measured in precise figures, what should be discussed is common European interests and ideals. What is crucial is the convergence of policy models, of the beliefs in the minds of policy makers, and the ideas of social groups and the general public as to where Europe should go from here. It appears as if, despite lipservice to the contrary, (a) national positions with regard to EMU still diverge widely in models, beliefs and interests, and (b) often EMU is 'exploited' through 'scapegoating', i.e. by putting the blame for domestic austerity measures on the EMU as a European undertaking. This, of course, creates legitimacy problems and causes a lack of popularity vis-à-vis a common European currency amongst the national electorates of Europe.
1997
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/826/1/Scop97_2_5.pdf
Gretschmann, Klaus (1997) Vision or Revision: Managing Europe’s Way to EMU. EIPASCOPE, 1997 (2). pp. 1-4.
http://aei.pitt.edu/826/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:828
2011-02-15T22:16:26Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303035
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166667075626C69636F70696E696F6E
74797065733D61727469636C65
EU-Finland, First-Year Impressions
Venna, Yrjö
Finland
public opinion
[Introduction]. In Sweden, the EU-sceptic politicians and parties advanced in the European Parliament elections in early October this year. The turn-out was very low by Swedish standards, 41%, which indicates a lack of interest among the general public. The public-opinion ratings have gone down in the course of the year and now, in autumn, only one out of five Swedes believes that the membership of the EU is beneficial for Sweden. In Austria, the opinion polls have demonstrated frustration with the European Union and, if there were a referendum now, the majority would most likely reject membership. Contrary to these trends, the Finns seem to be the happiest out of the three new Member States. In September, 50% of the 927 interviewees would have voted 'Yes' if there had been a new referendum; 38% would have voted 'No', and there were 11% who had not made up their mind. The support has remained on this level throughout the first year of membership. The reasons for the relatively positive opinions of the Finns are partly historical, and partly the positive effects which the man in the street has experienced. A short account of their recent history may explain the Finns' positive attitude towards Europe.
1995
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/828/1/2.htm
Venna, Yrjö (1995) EU-Finland, First-Year Impressions. EIPASCOPE, 1995 (3). pp. 1-3.
http://aei.pitt.edu/828/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:831
2011-02-15T22:16:27Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303136
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D61727469636C65
Det norske nei! - Norwegians say no!
Saether, Arild
enlargement
Norway
European elections/voting behavior
[From the Introduction]. In the referendum on 28 November 1994, the Norwegian people turned down accession to the European Union for the second time. Taking the country as a whole, 52.2% of the voters said No' and 47.8% said Yes'. Of the 3.3 million with the right to vote, 89% used their right. The No' and Yes' votes were not evenly distributed around the country. In the three northernmost counties more than {1}0% said No'. In the four counties north of Trondheim there was not a majority of Yes' votes in one single municipality; many of these municipalities had more than 80% No' votes. Only in five counties in the central areas around the capital Oslo and around the Oslofjord did a majority of the voters say Yes'. In Oslo and the two largest neighbouring municipalities more than 65% of the voters said Yes'. There was also a clear but not very large majority of Yes' votes in the larger cities in the southern part of the country. Therefore, a clear urban/rural pattern can be found in the distribution of votes with few exceptions, the rural areas voted No' and the urban areas said Yes'.
1995
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/831/1/3.htm
Saether, Arild (1995) Det norske nei! - Norwegians say no! EIPASCOPE, 1995 (2). pp. 1-3.
http://aei.pitt.edu/831/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:852
2011-02-15T22:16:32Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303131
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166666C65676974696D616379
74797065733D61727469636C65
La légitimité de l’Union européenne après le Conseil européen d’Amsterdam = The Legitimacy of the European Union after the Amsterdam European Council
Bar Cendón, Antonio.
legitimacy
European Council
[From the Introduction]. Le concept de légitimité, tout comme ceux de subsidiarité, de transparence, de démocratie, d’efficience ou de solidarité, est intimement lié au débat politique ainsi qu’aux formulations juridiques de l’Union européenne (UE). Ce sont là des concepts clés et l’un d’eux, celui de la subsidiarité, est explicitement prévu à l’article 3 B du Traité sur la Communauté européenne (TCE) comme principe juridique régulateur de l’action de la Communauté. En outre, ce sont des concepts qui, conformément aux généralités de la doctrine européenne, sont étroitement reliés, de sorte que l’on ne peut les comprendre isolément que s’ils sont en rapport avec les autres ou que s’ils sont une manifestation ou un prolongement des autres. Cependant, ces concepts ont acquis en droit communautaire un sens particulier qui les distingue légèrement de la signification qu’on leur attribue généralement dans le langage commun. C’est pourquoi, leur analyse doit se faire uniquement dans cette perspective du droit communautaire, oubliant leur sens commun ou la signification qu’ils ont à l’intérieur d’autres sphères du droit.
1997
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/852/1/Scop97_2_4.pdf
Bar Cendón, Antonio. (1997) La légitimité de l’Union européenne après le Conseil européen d’Amsterdam = The Legitimacy of the European Union after the Amsterdam European Council. EIPASCOPE, 1997 (2). pp. 1-4.
http://aei.pitt.edu/852/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:853
2011-02-15T22:16:32Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365:70616666676F7665726E616E63657375626E6174696F6E616C726567696F6E616C2F7465727269746F7269616C
74797065733D61727469636C65
Vers un “fédéralisme à plusieurs niveaux”? Une analyse des procédures et pratiques de la participation des régions au processus décisionnel communautaire = Towards a "federalism of several levels"? An analysis of the procedures and practices of the participation of the regions in the Community decision-making process
Engel, Christian.
subnational/regional/territorial
La nécessité d’une implication renforcée des régions dans les processus décisionnels et politiques européens fait partie du processus de régionalisation du paysage politique européen dans les années 80 et 90. En vue de permettre la participation des régions à la politique européenne, tous les Etats à forte structure régionale ont adopté des procédures et des règles très formalisées. Cet article tente une comparaison entre les procédures et pratiques suivies dans les différents Etats membres et il ressort de cette comparaison que chaque Etat membre a finalement choisi de suivre sa propre voie en matière de coopération régionale sur le terrain de la politique européenne. L’approche adoptée en Autriche et en Allemagne, qui est celle d’une "participation compensatoire", correspond à un modèle interne de fédéralisme unitaire et coopératif, tandis que le système belge d’obligation de consentement dans les rapports internes et de division du travail dans les relations extérieures reflète le "système de séparation" belge et l’étend à l’espace communautaire. La pratique britannique correspond jusqu’ici à un système de gouvernement marqué moins par des règles fermes que par la flexibilité, le pragmatisme et les solutions au cas par cas, alors qu’en Espagne la coopération efficace des régions à la politique européenne se heurte à de nombreux facteurs imputables au modèle d’autonomie et au refus de la coopération de la part de l’Etat. Cet article arrive à la conclusion que la pratique de la coopération des régions à la politique européenne semble plutôt indiquer un renforcement des institutions, pratiques et processus nationaux à la suite du processus d’intégration que leur nivellement ou affaiblissement.
2001
Article
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/853/1/scop2001_1_2.pdf
Engel, Christian. (2001) Vers un “fédéralisme à plusieurs niveaux”? Une analyse des procédures et pratiques de la participation des régions au processus décisionnel communautaire = Towards a "federalism of several levels"? An analysis of the procedures and practices of the participation of the regions in the Community decision-making process. EIPASCOPE, 2001 (1). pp. 1-11.
http://aei.pitt.edu/853/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:882
2011-02-15T22:16:36Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166666C65676974696D616379
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
The European Union. Democratic Legitimacy in a Regional State? IHS Political Science Series: 2003, No. 91
Schmidt, Vivien
democracy/democratic deficit
legitimacy
The ‘democratic deficit’ represents a greater problem for EU member-states individually than for the EU as a whole. Legitimacy for the EU is problematic mainly if it is contrasted with a national democracy such as the US, which has finality as a nation-state and legitimacy predicated on government ‘by, of, and for the people’ as well as ‘with the people’. Instead, the EU is best considered as a regional state, with divided sovereignty, variable boundaries, multiple levels and modes of governance, composite identity, and an incomplete democracy in which government for and with the people is emphasized over and above government by and of the people. This puts special burdens on national politics and demands better discourse to legitimize the changes in national polities.
Kritzinger, Sylvia
2003-09
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/882/1/pw_91.pdf
Schmidt, Vivien (2003) The European Union. Democratic Legitimacy in a Regional State? IHS Political Science Series: 2003, No. 91. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/882/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1049
2011-02-15T22:17:07Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
How the European Union Interacts with its Member States. IHS Political Science Series: 2003, No. 93
Börzel, Tanja A.
governance: EU & national level
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
The paper seeks to identify concepts and theories to analyze and explain the relationship between the Member States and the European Union. It mainly adopts a top-down perspective looking at how the European Union has affected the Member States and to what extent it has changed their domestic institutions, policies and political processes. What is the effect of the European Union on the Member States? The paper reviews the existing literature, which offers different insights on each of the three questions. While by now most students of the European Union agree that its effect on the Member States is differential, there is still little consensus on how to account for variation in the processes, degrees and the outcomes of domestic change. Nor has the literature paid much attention to how the Member States have responded to the increasing effect of the European Union on their domestic institutions, policies and political processes. The paper therefore concludes with some considerations on how to conceptualize the feedback loops between ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ dynamics in the relationship between the EU and its Member States.
Treib, Oliver
2003-11
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1049/1/pw_93.pdf
Börzel, Tanja A. (2003) How the European Union Interacts with its Member States. IHS Political Science Series: 2003, No. 93. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1049/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1468
2011-02-15T22:18:44Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
A Second Look at Legislative Behavior in the European Parliament. Roll-Call Votes and the Party System. IHS Political Science Series: 2004, No. 94
Carrubba, Clifford J.
Gabel, Matthew
Murrah, Lacey
Clough, Ryan
Montgomery, Elizabeth
Schambach, Rebecca.
European Parliament
political parties
A great deal of recent research on voting behavior in the European Parliament (EP) concludes that party groups dominate legislative behavior, effectively organizing political competition along ideological rather than national lines. As a result, some argue that the EP is a suitable arena for transnational political contestation. We re-examine several empirical findings used to support these conclusions. Based on an analysis of a novel set of data regarding EP votes that are unrecorded, we argue that the empirical basis for these conclusions is dubious. The fundamental finding is that roll call votes, which form the basis of studies of legislative voting behavior, are a biased sample of legislative votes. This calls into question the accuracy of any description of party unity or the character of party competition on legislation that is gleaned from roll call votes in the EP. In addition, our findings indicate that party groups hide the vast majority of legislative votes from the eyes of voters, therefore obfuscating legislative behavior. Thus, while the EP is often identified as a source of democratic accountability for EU policy-making because its members are directly elected, our findings suggest that in practice party groups significantly obstruct this channel of popular control over policy-making.
2004
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1468/1/pw_94.pdf
Carrubba, Clifford J. and Gabel, Matthew and Murrah, Lacey and Clough, Ryan and Montgomery, Elizabeth and Schambach, Rebecca. (2004) A Second Look at Legislative Behavior in the European Parliament. Roll-Call Votes and the Party System. IHS Political Science Series: 2004, No. 94. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1468/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1476
2011-02-15T22:18:46Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303033
7375626A656374733D46:46303036
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303035
7375626A656374733D46:46303031
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303134
7375626A656374733D46:46303234
7375626A656374733D46:46303038
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303031
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D46:46303134
7375626A656374733D46:46303138
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303133
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303131
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D46:46303131
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303038
7375626A656374733D46:46303035
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303130
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D46:46303032
7375626A656374733D46:46303033
7375626A656374733D46:46303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303033
7375626A656374733D46:46303135
74797065733D626F6F6B
National Parliaments on their Ways to Europe. Losers or Latecomers?
Ireland
Belgium
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
Italy
Denmark
Finland
Amsterdam Treaty
Luxembourg
France
Spain
Netherlands
Germany
European Convention
Sweden
Greece
Nice Treaty
IGC 1996
Portugal
U.K.
IGC 2000
Maastricht Treaty
European Commission
Council of Ministers
European Council
governance: EU & national level
European Parliament
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
Austria
[Table of Contents]. Preface, etc., 15-26; National Parliaments in the European Architecture: From Latecomers' Adaptation Towards Permanent Institutional Change?, by Andreas Maure, 27-76; The Federal Parliament of Belgium: Between Wishes, Rules and Practice, by Claire Vandevivere, 77-98; The Danish Folketing and Its European Affairs Committee: Strong Players in the National Policy Cycle, by Finn Laursen, 99-116; The German Bundestag: From Benevolent 'Weakness' towards Supportive Scrutiny, by Sven Holscheidt, 117-146; The Parliament of Greece: Slow but Constant Moves Toward European Integration?, by Peter Zervakis and Nikos Yannis, 147-172; The Parliament of Finland: A Model Case for Effective Scrutiny?, by Tapio Raunio, 173-198; The Parliament of Spain: Slowly Moving onto the European Direction?, by Felipe Basabe Llorens and Maria Teresa Gonzalez Escudero, 199-222; The French Parliament and the EU: Progressive Assertion and Strategic Investment, by Andrea Szukala and Olivier Rozenberg, 223-250; The Parliament of Ireland: A Passive Adapter Coming in from the Cold, by Brigid Laffan, 251-268; The Parliament of Italy: From Benevolent Observer to Active Player, by Federiga Bindi Calussi and Steffano B. Grassi, 269-300; The Luxemburg Chamber of Deputies: From a Toothless Tiger to a Critical Watchdog?, by Danielle Bossaert, 301-312; The Parliament of Austria: A Large Potential with Little Implications, by Barbara Blumel and Christine Neuhold, 313-336; The Parliament of the Netherlands and the European Union: Early Starter, Slow Mover, by Ben J.S. Hoetjes, 337-358; The Parliament of Portugal: Loyal Scrutiny and Informal Influence, by Ana Fraga, 359-376; The Parliament of Sweden: A Successful Adapter in the European Arena, by Hans Hegeland, 377-394; The Parliament of the United Kingdom: From Supportive Scrutiny to Unleased Control?, by Caitriona A. Carter, 395-424; National Parliaments after Amsterdam: From Slow Adapters to National Players, 425-476; The Reticent Acknowledgement of National Parliaments in the European Treaties: A Documentation, by Astrid Krekelberg, 477-490.
Nomos Verlag
Maurer, Andreas
Wessels, Wolfgang
2001
Book
PeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1476/1/National_Parliaments_Losers_or_Latecomers.pdf
Maurer, Andreas and Wessels, Wolfgang, eds. (2001) National Parliaments on their Ways to Europe. Losers or Latecomers? Nomos Verlag, p. 521.
http://aei.pitt.edu/1476/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1618
2011-02-15T22:19:20Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
74797065733D72657669657765737361797375626A656374
Is the EU Democratic, and Does it Matter?
Etzioni, Amitai
Schmitter, Philippe C.
Schmidt, Vivien
Scharpf, Fritz W.
democracy/democratic deficit
[Introduction by Vivien Schmidt, Forum Guest Editor]. This forum originally came in the form of a roundtable I organized at the American Political Science Association meetings in Philadelphia (August 2003) in an attempt to bring together a wide range of views on the democratic challenges facing the EU. Amitai Etzioni questioned the sustainability of the EU if it did not become a truly supranational political entity. Philippe Schmitter insisted that the democratic deficit problems were real, and most pressing at the national level. I followed up on this, arguing that were the EU to be appropriately understood as a regional state, it would be clear that democratic legitimacy is much less of a problem at the EU level than at the national. Fritz Scharpf concluded by showing that one's view of the democratic deficit depends upon whether one looks at the EU's institutional functioning or its problem-solving ability. The panel generated a lively debate, and the audience was not disappointed. I trust that "EUSA Review" readers will not be either.
Schmidt, Vivien
2004
Review Essay
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1618/1/Winter2004Forum.pdf
Etzioni, Amitai and Schmitter, Philippe C. and Schmidt, Vivien and Scharpf, Fritz W. (2004) Is the EU Democratic, and Does it Matter? [Review Essay]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1618/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1642
2011-02-15T22:19:27Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166666C65676974696D616379
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
Between Forces of Inertia and Progress: Co-decision in EU-Legislation. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2003, C 119
Iral, Hubert.
European Parliament
legitimacy
decision making/policy-making
[Introduction]. Many observers claim that the implementation of the Co-decision mechanism with the ESA (1987) and its manifestation in the Maastricht/Amsterdam Treaties (1992/97) could be interpreted as a significant step towards more democratic legitimacy in European policymaking. This conclusion could come close to reality under two conditions: The first, if the EP as the only directly elected decision-making body is comprehensively involved as an equal-footing Co-legislator beside the Council. The second, and even more important, is if the Co-decision procedure is sufficiently transparent for the European Citizens. Therefore, this paper aims to explore, whether these two requirements are fulfilled. The following is that a too optimistic assessment of the Codecision procedure, as a tool for more legitimacy cannot be justified. In order to demonstrate my thesis, I will firstly discuss the general problem for European Citizens with legislation at the national and European level, specifically regarding the critical question, of how the EU can bring the people closer to the Union. Secondly, it seems useful to deliver a more comprehensive description of the history of the Co-decision procedure, because this gives an insight into the development of legislation in the Community.
2003
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1642/1/dp_c119_iral.pdf
Iral, Hubert. (2003) Between Forces of Inertia and Progress: Co-decision in EU-Legislation. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2003, C 119. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1642/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1667
2011-02-15T22:19:32Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
The Difference Between Real and Potential Power: Voting Power, Attendance and Cohesion. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2004, 130
Faas, Thorsten
Raunio, Tapio
Wiberg, Matti.
European Parliament
political parties
decision making/policy-making
[From the Introduction]. Applying power indices to the political process of the European Union has become fashionable. An increasing range of scholars has applied power indices to studying the institutions of the European Union (EU). However, their work has not gone without criticism. Critics argue that the use of power indices is of little value, since they ignore the preferences of the actors, such as party groups, and also the political dynamics of the decisionmaking processes, such as the EU legislative procedures (see particularly Garrett and Tsebelis 1996, 1999, Tsebelis and Garrett 1996). Advocates of power indices reply by arguing that one cannot know the preferences of the relevant actors in all possible contingencies. We do not always know the preferences of the actors, but we can still say something meaningful about their potential influence (see for example Lane and Berg 1999, Holler and Widgrén 1999).... This article analyses the distribution of voting power in the 1999-2002 EP, taking into account differential levels of attendance and cohesion among party groups. It does so – using the Shapley-Shubik -index (Shapley and Shubik 1954) – for two different kinds of votes: First, votes taken under absolute majority rule (i.e. a majority of all MEPs is necessary for a proposal to pass), second – and this is nowadays the empirically more relevant case – votes taken under simple majority rule (i.e. only a majority of the votes cast is necessary for a proposal to pass). However, before we start the actual discussion of the distribution of power, a few remarks concerning party groups in the EP – and especially their levels of cohesion and attendance – seem appropriate.
2004
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1667/1/dp_c130_wiberg.pdf
Faas, Thorsten and Raunio, Tapio and Wiberg, Matti. (2004) The Difference Between Real and Potential Power: Voting Power, Attendance and Cohesion. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2004, 130. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1667/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1698
2011-02-15T22:19:39Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365:70616666676F7665726E616E63657375626E6174696F6E616C726567696F6E616C2F7465727269746F7269616C
74797065733D64697363757373696F6E7061706572
When Dreams Come True: The Role of Powerful Regions in Future Europe, 2003. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2003, C 121
Horeth, Marcus.
subnational/regional/territorial
[From the Introduction]. ....I will return to the key question: what role could powerful regions play in future Europe? Several scenarios are possible, and especially the scenarios offered by representatives of constitutional regions are rather optimistic. Their basic premise is that a strong Europe needs strong regions as its constituent units. On the one hand this perspective is justified and legitimated, and, usually the underlying arguments of this thesis are craftily developed. On the other hand, alternative, even opposite, views are also possible. In order to demonstrate this rather pessimistic argument, I imagine Europe’s future, say in the year 2007, after the new Constitutional treaty is in force as such. Under this new treaty the regions have the rights and powers, which they should have following the proposals made in the Convention’s working group documents and following some proposals of some Members of the Convention. In other words, seen from the perspective of the regions, dreams will come true. As I will be a little more critical, my reflections are labelled under the provocative title "Do Dreams or Nightmares come true? The role of powerful regions in future Europe". I will present my critical, sometimes polemic reflections in two steps. First, I will offer a short view on the "dream" expressed by the "Assembly of European Regions" in view of the hearing at the European Convention at the end of June 2002. In a second step I imagine the situation in a couple of years, after all these dreams of the regions dreams come true, and will make some critical comments on the role of powerful regions in future Europe.
2003
Discussion Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1698/1/dp_c121_hoereth.pdf
Horeth, Marcus. (2003) When Dreams Come True: The Role of Powerful Regions in Future Europe, 2003. ZEI Discussion Paper: 2003, C 121. [Discussion Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1698/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1718
2011-02-15T22:19:43Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
The Europeanization of UK Government: From Quiet Revolution to Explicit Step-Change?
Bulmer, Simon
Burch, Martin.
governance: EU & national level
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
U.K.
In this paper we review - from a UK perspective - how the UK government and its policy process have adapted to European integration. Has adaptation been a quiet revolution, a step-change, or both? In exploring this puzzle we draw upon the conceptual literature of Europeanisation. We employ it to shed light on the longer-term pattern of UK adaptation as well as to put into context the domestic changes currently under way. Although commentators frequently alight upon continued non-membership of the euro as an indicator of the UK's continued incomplete adaptation to integration, we argue that there is a step-change under way in the Europeanisation of UK EU policy making, though not necessarily in its outcomes.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1718/1/bulmerandburch.pdf
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/1718/2/Bulmer_%26_Burch_190903.doc
Bulmer, Simon and Burch, Martin. (2003) The Europeanization of UK Government: From Quiet Revolution to Explicit Step-Change? In: UNSPECIFIED, Sheffield, UK.
http://aei.pitt.edu/1718/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1722
2011-02-15T22:19:44Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303330
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
Europeanization: A Governance Approach
Bache, Ian.
governance: EU & national level
U.K.
regional policy/structural funds
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[Introduction]. Most scholars deal with Europeanization as the impact of the EU’s impact on Member States, while others (notably Helen Wallace, 2000) view the EU as one feature of Europeanization. The focus here is on the former. Wallace’s arguments are important in highlighting the importance of placing the impact of the EU on Member States in the context of other sources of change. However, the purpose here is to understand the effect on politics in the domestic arena of the EU, which is, as Olson (2002:6) notes, the ‘core political project in Europe’ (Olsen, 2002: 6). Europeanization studies reveal considerable variation in the impact of the EU on member states. In this context, this paper argues for an approach to Europeanization that is sensitive to the national context. As such, the governance approach offered here incorporates the insights of the Differentiated Polity (DP) model developed by Rhodes as an organising perspective for understanding contemporary British politics and government. The paper has seven sections. Section two considers a number of first generation Europeanization studies, which focus on institutional adaptation to EU pressures; section three considers second generation concerns of ideas, values and identity; section four addresses the definitional issues that abound in the literature and suggests a definition that embraces first and second generation concerns; section five develops a governance approach to the study of Europeanization; section six utilises this approach in relation to EU regional policy; section seven concludes by reflecting on the utility of the governance approach to Europeanization.
2002
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1722/1/Bache.pdf
Bache, Ian. (2002) Europeanization: A Governance Approach. In: UNSPECIFIED, Sheffield, UK.
http://aei.pitt.edu/1722/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1725
2011-02-15T22:19:45Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
Europeanization and the English Regions
Burch, Martin
Gomez, Ricardo.
governance: EU & national level
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
U.K.
[From the Introduction]. In this paper we attempt to explore and apply Europeanization to the regional level in England. We begin with some remarks on what we take Europeanization to be. The way we have approached the concept and its definition is to regard it as fundamentally concerned with the study of change as it affects issues, perceptions, institutions and policies. But distinctively we are dealing with a particular kind or example of change which is evident through what might be termed ‘the EU effect’. That is change that would not have happened or would not have happened in the way it has if it were not for the existence of arrangements and relationships consequent upon the establishment and development of the EU. So a starting point for our analysis is that Europeanization concerns the nature of and the processes whereby this EU effect is manifested. In developing our definition further we start with a formula utilized in an earlier paper adapted from work by Radaelli (2000: 4). In this earlier work Europeanization was defined as: "A set of processes through which the EU political, social and economic dynamics interact with the logic of domestic discourse, identities, political structures, and public policies (Bulmer and Burch 2002: 116)".
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1725/1/burchgomez.pdf
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/1725/2/Burch_and_Gomez.doc
Burch, Martin and Gomez, Ricardo. (2003) Europeanization and the English Regions. In: UNSPECIFIED, Sheffield, UK.
http://aei.pitt.edu/1725/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1729
2011-02-15T22:19:47Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365:70616666676F7665726E616E63657375626E6174696F6E616C726567696F6E616C2F7465727269746F7269616C
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
The Puzzles and Paradoxes of Europeanisation - Lessons from the Scottish Experience
Smith, James.
governance: EU & national level
U.K.
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
subnational/regional/territorial
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
[Introduction]. In recent studies of Europeanisation the word ‘puzzle’ has proved to be a frequent visitor. In essence, this puzzle is seen to revolve around the belief that while membership of the European Union (EU) has wrought tremendous impact upon the shape and direction of national policies and policy processes, the impact upon the bureaucratic infrastructure of domestic government systems has by comparison been somewhat limited. Of late, however, a means of resolving this puzzle has been put forward. In short, the preoccupation of historical-institutionalist analysis with largely structural, institutional and procedural-based aspects of change may, it is argued, have led to the apparently divergent or contradictory paths taken by the respective policy-related and bureaucratic-administrative forms of Europeanisation. A less puzzling interpretation of developments might flow if, in addition to the purely institutionalist perspective, more attention were to be focused upon broader cultural factors and the role played by individuals within the context of bureaucratic adaptation processes. This paper attempts to follow the latter course by drawing on a historical-based study of the long-term impact of bureaucratic Europeanisation on a government department across a period of some twenty-five years. The focus is upon the relative depth of Europeanisation experienced in that particular case and the extent to which that Europeanisation was in fact influenced not only by structural and procedural aspects of the UK administrative system but also by cultural, actor-based and departmental-specific factors.
2003
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1729/1/smith.pdf
Smith, James. (2003) The Puzzles and Paradoxes of Europeanisation - Lessons from the Scottish Experience. In: UNSPECIFIED, Sheffield, UK.
http://aei.pitt.edu/1729/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1731
2011-02-15T22:19:47Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365:70616666676F7665726E616E63657375626E6174696F6E616C726567696F6E616C2F7465727269746F7269616C
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303330
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
Europeanisation at the Urban Level: Local Actors, Institutions and the Dynamics of Multi-Level Interaction
Marshall, Adam Jay.
regional policy/structural funds
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
subnational/regional/territorial
U.K.
Involvement in EU-sponsored programmes has provided urban institutions and actors across Europe with unprecedented access to new sources of information, legitimacy, and not least, financial support. From established local authorities to fledgling neighbourhood partnerships, actors across the urban spectrum see increased European involvement as a central component of innovative governance. This paper seeks to evaluate whether European working has provoked shifts in the institutionalised norms, beliefs, and values held by participants in governance at the city level, focusing in particular on the experience of British cities. In order to do so, the paper elaborates a four-part framework for Europeanisation at the urban level, and subsequently applies this framework to the empirical cases of Birmingham and Glasgow. It then attempts to draw some preliminary conclusions about how involvement in EU Structural Fund programmes affects embedded norms and practices in cities across the continent.
2004
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1731/1/Marshall.pdf
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/1731/2/Marshall.doc
Marshall, Adam Jay. (2004) Europeanisation at the Urban Level: Local Actors, Institutions and the Dynamics of Multi-Level Interaction. In: UNSPECIFIED, Sheffield, UK.
http://aei.pitt.edu/1731/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1812
2011-02-15T22:20:10Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303134
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303138
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Secularisation, Inter-Religious Dialogue and Democratisation in the Southern Mediterranean. Middle East & Euro-Med Working Paper No. 4, April 2003
Koutroubas, Theodoros.
democracy/democratic deficit
EU-North Africa/Maghreb
EU-Islam
EU-Mediterranean/Union for the Mediterranean
The paper discusses the relation between religion and politics in the Southern Mediterranean and its consequences for the democratisation and peaceful co-existence of the different confessional communities of the region. Its aims are to draw attention to the mechanisms responsible for the perpetuation of an "umbilical cord" between religious and political discourse in the region, to highlight the dangers this could mean for Europe’s multicultural society model and to propose secularisation and inter-religious dialogue as a tool for the acceleration of the democratisation process.
2003-04
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1812/1/MEEM_WP04.pdf
Koutroubas, Theodoros. (2003) Secularisation, Inter-Religious Dialogue and Democratisation in the Southern Mediterranean. Middle East & Euro-Med Working Paper No. 4, April 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1812/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1819
2011-02-15T22:20:12Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166667075626C69636F70696E696F6E
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Public Opinion and Enlargement: A Gravity Approach. CEPS Working Document No. 192, March 2003
Jones, Erik
Van Der Bijl, Niels
enlargement
public opinion
Popular support for enlargement of the European Union is a function of how close or how far removed the member states are from the candidate countries. In the absence of country fixed effects or special bilateral relationships (e.g. adjacency, historic rivalry, religious conformity), we can explain approximately 14% of the variation in attitudes across member states and with regard to specific candidate countries using factors related to trade, distance, and relative economic size and structure. Taking special bilateral relations into account we can explain approximately 30%. Once country fixed effects are incorporated, the level of explanation increases to 80%.
2003-03
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1819/1/WD192.pdf
Jones, Erik and Van Der Bijl, Niels (2003) Public Opinion and Enlargement: A Gravity Approach. CEPS Working Document No. 192, March 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1819/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1877
2011-02-15T22:20:29Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
74797065733D6F74686572
"The Future of Federalism in the European Union". Keynote Address delivered at the European Community Studies Association Canada (ECSA-C) 2004 Biennial Conference "A Constitution for Europe? Governance and Policy Making in the European Union" 27-29 May 2004, Gouverneur Hotel-Place Dupuis, Montreal, Canada
Sbragia, Alberta.
governance: EU & national level
No abstract.
2004
Other
NonPeerReviewed
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/1877/1/Sbragia_ECSA%2DCanada_keynote_address_May_2004.txt
application/rtf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1877/2/Sbragia_ECSA%2DCanada_keynote_address_May_2004.rtf
Sbragia, Alberta. (2004) "The Future of Federalism in the European Union". Keynote Address delivered at the European Community Studies Association Canada (ECSA-C) 2004 Biennial Conference "A Constitution for Europe? Governance and Policy Making in the European Union" 27-29 May 2004, Gouverneur Hotel-Place Dupuis, Montreal, Canada. UNSPECIFIED. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/1877/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1878
2011-02-15T22:20:29Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
74797065733D6F74686572
Post-National Democracy: A Challenge to Political Science? Paper Delivered as the Introductory Presentation, Convegno Nazionale Della Societa Italiana di Scienza Politica (SISP) Universita degli Studi di Trento 15 September 2003
Sbragia, Alberta.
democracy/democratic deficit
[From the Introduction]. I am fairly certain that everyone here will agree with me if I say that post-national democracy does indeed pose a challenge to the discipline of political science. We may disagree about what post-national democracy might be and what political science itself is, but I think we can agree that the conceptualization and institutionalization of post-national democracy presents difficult challenges for political scientists.... I would like, however tentatively, to link my discussion of post-national democracy to the realities of governance by focusing on the European Union as well as on operating democracies. The EU is I think an ideal focal point for this discussion, for it is in Europe that the debate about post-national democracy is the most developed. It is also the only place in the world where the debate resonates with policy makers and very practical politicians. Only in Europe are the debates among political theorists paralleled by debates among politicians.
2003-09
Other
NonPeerReviewed
text/plain
http://aei.pitt.edu/1878/1/Trento_SISP_September_2003_presentation_Version_III%2D1.txt
application/msword
http://aei.pitt.edu/1878/2/Trento_SISP_September_2003_presentation_Version_III%2D1.doc
Sbragia, Alberta. (2003) Post-National Democracy: A Challenge to Political Science? Paper Delivered as the Introductory Presentation, Convegno Nazionale Della Societa Italiana di Scienza Politica (SISP) Universita degli Studi di Trento 15 September 2003. UNSPECIFIED. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/1878/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1887
2011-02-15T22:20:31Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303130
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Staging European Union Democracy: Discussion Paper Prepared for the 'Round Table on a Sustainable Project for Europe'. EPIN Working Paper No. 10, December 2003
Crum, Ben.
democracy/democratic deficit
European Parliament
European Commission
Much of the malaise surrounding EU democracy can be accounted for by the fact that there is no effective staging of political debate between the European Parliament and EU executive power. This paper explores the options to increase the visibility of political choices in the European Union, to open ways to have political positions challenged and, thereby, to improve the staging of the democratic process. It starts from the relationship between the European Parliament and the Commission as this is the relationship that has come to resemble most the dynamics of representative democracy at the EU level. In turn, possible reforms are then explored to strengthen the articulation of political alternatives in the European Parliament, to allow for a well-calibrated politicisation of the Commission and to subject EU executive powers beyond the Commission to democratic accountability. The paper concludes with 20 concrete recommendations for reform – some of which would preferably still be taken on board by the current Intergovernmental Conference, but most of which can be followed up upon by the European actors in the years to come.
2003-12
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1887/1/EPIN_WP10.pdf
Crum, Ben. (2003) Staging European Union Democracy: Discussion Paper Prepared for the 'Round Table on a Sustainable Project for Europe'. EPIN Working Paper No. 10, December 2003. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1887/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1977
2011-02-15T22:20:44Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166667075626C69636F70696E696F6E
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303039
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
Where is the transatlantic divide in public opinion on climate change issues? Evidence for 1989-2002. CEPS Policy Brief No. 35, July 2003
Brewer, Thomas.
EU-US
public opinion
environmental policy (including international arena)
This paper is based on an analysis of the results of more than 40 public opinion surveys taken during the period from 1989 through 2002; special attention is given to surveys taken during 2000-02. The analysis concludes that approximately two-fifths of the public are seriously concerned about global warming. Another two-fifths are moderately concerned; shifts in the opinions of this moderately concerned group would likely alter the future course of government policies. The other one-fifth of the public does not consider global warming much of a problem, does not worry about it very much or not at all, and does not believe that carbon dioxide emissions are a cause of it. A substantial majority of the US public wants the government to do something about the problem of global warming, and they would like the US to participate in the Kyoto Protocol. Most respondents prefer mandatory rather than voluntary emission reductions by industry. A majority of the public supports US economic assistance to fund mitigation projects in developing countries. Gaps between the US public and US leaders are evident, with the public exhibiting more concern and more support for new policies. The level of US public concern is nearly as high as it is among European publics, where there is also opposition to current US policy.
2003-07
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1977/1/PB35.pdf
Brewer, Thomas. (2003) Where is the transatlantic divide in public opinion on climate change issues? Evidence for 1989-2002. CEPS Policy Brief No. 35, July 2003. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1977/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:1998
2011-02-15T22:20:49Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303033
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:436F6E7374346575726F7065
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706767656E6572616C
74797065733D706F6C6963797061706572
The Assignment of Tasks in an Evolving European Union. CEPS Policy Brief No. 10, January 2002
Tabellini, Guido.
governance: EU & national level
Constitution for Europe
European Convention
general
How should tasks be divided between the EU and its member states? And what institutional reforms are needed to insure that these tasks (but only these tasks) are efficiently performed by the EU? This is the main problem to be addressed at the upcoming European Convention. This paper argues that EU tasks in the first pillar should not be expanded further, though some changes in the direction of both more and less intervention are desirable. The single market remains to be better enforced, and this might require further centralization of tasks. On the other hand, EU meddling with redistribution should be scaled back; This would imply reforming and reducing EU intervention in agricultural policy, structural funds and the social charter. In other words, EU intervention in the first pillar should mainly aim at making sure that the single market works as effectively as possible, and at fostering competition between EU member states. Redistribution should remain a national prerogative. EU tasks should instead be expanded outside of the first pillar, namely in foreign and defense policies, in internal security and immigration. The paper ends with a discussion of what institutional reforms might be needed to accompany this allocation of tasks and increase accountability of EU decisions. Appropriate reforms should keep in mind the distinction between "bureaucratic accountability" (i.e. the control of appointed bureaucrats with a narrowly defined mission) and "democratic accountability" (i.e., the control of elected politicians with an open mandate). The former type of accountability is the most relevant in Europe today, given the lack of a true and complete European polity, and this has relevant implications for task allocation and institutional reforms.
2002-01
Policy Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/1998/1/PB10.pdf
Tabellini, Guido. (2002) The Assignment of Tasks in an Evolving European Union. CEPS Policy Brief No. 10, January 2002. [Policy Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/1998/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2011
2011-02-15T22:20:52Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:737067656E6572616C
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:443030316C61776C6567616C61666661697273
7375626A656374733D41:41303239
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
Neues Regieren und Soziales Europa: EU-Mindestregulierung und Soft Law in der Praxis = New Governance and Social Europe: EU Minimum Regulation and Soft Law in Practice. IHS Political Science Series: No. 98, September 2004
Falkner, Gerda.
governance: EU & national level
law & legal affairs-general (includes international law)
general
integration theory (see also researching and writing the EU in this section)
What is the effect of EU social policy in the member states? This question concerns material issues (how good is the quality of social rights and standards?) as much as procedural aspects (how is EU social policy implemented and who participates in the process?). It was the aim of a research group at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies in Cologne to answer these questions on the basis of fresh empirical data, in order to contribute to theory -building in political science and to generate insights of practical use at the same time. This article firstly gives an overview of the research questions and results of this research group. Secondly, it offers information on the research design applied to generate these findings which are not only innovative but also highly relevant politically.
2004-09
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2011/1/pw_98.pdf
Falkner, Gerda. (2004) Neues Regieren und Soziales Europa: EU-Mindestregulierung und Soft Law in der Praxis = New Governance and Social Europe: EU Minimum Regulation and Soft Law in Practice. IHS Political Science Series: No. 98, September 2004. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/2011/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2033
2011-02-15T22:20:57Z
7374617475733D707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D46:46303137
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365:70616666676F7665726E616E63657375626E6174696F6E616C726567696F6E616C2F7465727269746F7269616C
74797065733D776F726B696E677061706572
In the Laboratory of Europe: Governing the "Europe of Regions" on the Polish/German Frontier. University of Illinois EUC Working Paper, Vol. 4, No. 3
Asher, Andrew D.
governance: EU & national level
Germany
subnational/regional/territorial
Poland
In the aftermath of World War II, one of the primary motivations for creating the institutions that eventually evolved into the European Union (EU) was to ensure a more lasting peace in Europe by connecting, or "integrating," member nations in such a way that a resurgence of strong nationalism could not again lead to war. To this end, the EU has conceptualized Europe as a "Europe of Regions" through which it administers socioeconomic policies at the subnational level through local governments. These regional policies are also meant explicitly to counteract potential nationalism among the EU’s member nations. However, the governing structure of the EU itself privileges the sovereign nation-state, while the politics of the EU commonly fracture along national lines. Therefore, the EU creates tensions not only between the local regions and national governments, but also between the national and international governments. In this manner, local administrations can find themselves aligned with international institutions in opposition to their own national governments. This paper explores the tension and competition of three levels of governance (local, national, and international), within the EU by utilizing the case of transnational regional institutions called "Euroregions" located along the Polish/German Border. Because they are a hybrid form of governmentality, these Euroregions are a location where the conflict between different levels of government are played out "on the ground" through policy initiatives and projects directed at “integrating” Poland and Germany at the local level, and demonstrate the reorientation of the conception of state sovereignty in a transnational context.
2004-02
Working Paper
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2033/1/ASHERWPSP2004.pdf
Asher, Andrew D. (2004) In the Laboratory of Europe: Governing the "Europe of Regions" on the Polish/German Frontier. University of Illinois EUC Working Paper, Vol. 4, No. 3. [Working Paper]
http://aei.pitt.edu/2033/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2041
2011-02-15T22:20:58Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D46:46303036
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031727270
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365:70616666676F7665726E616E63657375626E6174696F6E616C726567696F6E616C2F7465727269746F7269616C
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Multi-level implementation networks: The case of medical devices and patient care"
Altenstetter, Christa.
governance: EU & national level
U.K.
regulations/regulatory policies
France
Germany
subnational/regional/territorial
decision making/policy-making
One objective of this paper is to understand the nature and the role of policy networks and multi-level regulatory decision-making systems in the field of medical devices, their composition and activities in a global context. The emphasis is on reconstructing the basic structure of the actors involved in multi-level regulatory processes rather than a systematic examination of the structure of each network type. This paper grows out of an ongoing cross-national research project entitled “Regulatory Regimes in Transition: The Medical Device Sector and Patient Care.” In 1995, it started out as an exploration of the implementation of regulatory policy specific to medical devices in the European Union, focusing on two levels of rule-making and rule-application and drawing a distinction between the formulation of policy and operations to carry it out: 1) the EU level of rule-making and implementation, and 2) the level of national and sub-national implementation. Through focused case studies of domestic implementation in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom, the crossnational comparison has intended to identify similarities and differences in the implementation of European legislation, and shed light on the strengths and weaknesses of their responses at both the policy and levels of implementation from national to local.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2041/1/001535_1.PDF
Altenstetter, Christa. (2001) "Multi-level implementation networks: The case of medical devices and patient care". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2041/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2044
2011-02-15T22:20:58Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303138:656C6D656D706C6F796D656E74756E656D706C6F796D656E74
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The European employment strategy: Policy integration by the back-door?"
Ardy, Brian
Begg, Iain.
governance: EU & national level
employment/unemployment
decision making/policy-making
Since the signing of the Maastricht Treaty, the EU has paid increasing attention to employment creation, yet has few formal powers in this area. A series of agreements, known as “processes” and named after the city where they were agreed, has been made to co-ordinate employment policy. This paper will examine how the “Luxembourg processes,” under which member states structure their employment policies, works and will offer a critique of the ‘open co-ordination’ approach to the employment policy. The focus will then shift to the extent to which the OMC represents simply a first stage in the eventual communiterisation of policy or new method in its own right. It will also confront the question of whether this form of policy can be expected to go far enough to constitute a sufficiently robust “real” economy counterpart to monetary union.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2044/1/002093_1.PDF
Ardy, Brian and Begg, Iain. (2001) "The European employment strategy: Policy integration by the back-door?". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2044/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2048
2011-02-15T22:20:59Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:65636F6E6F6D696366696E616E6369616C61666661697273:656661454D55454D536575726F
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The euro, economic interests and multi-level governance: Examining support for the common currency"
Banducci, Susan
Karp, Jeffrey
Loedel, Peter.
governance: EU & national level
EMU/EMS/euro
Support for a common currency and the European Monetary Union signifies that European citizens are willing to transfer power from the nation-state to the European Union. This willingness to give up sovereignty has important implications for the further integration and development of the EU. We examine how support for the euro reflects a multi-level governance perspective of European integration. Are citizens less likely to support a common currency when their own national currency is strong? Our findings suggest that to some extent the effects of the multi-level governance perspective are conditioned by general attitudes toward the European integration and that other economic interests are also conditioned by factors such as occupational status.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2048/1/002025_1.pdf
Banducci, Susan and Karp, Jeffrey and Loedel, Peter. (2001) "The euro, economic interests and multi-level governance: Examining support for the common currency". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2048/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2052
2011-02-15T22:21:00Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The probability of coalition formation: Spatial voting power indices"
Bilal, Sanoussi
Albuquerque, Paul
Hosli, Madeleine O.
European elections/voting behavior
This paper aims to include actor’s policy preferences into a probabilistic definition of two common indices of relative voting power: the Shapley-Shubik index and the (normalized) Banzhalf index. While we acknowledge the validity of standard indices and their strength in analyzing relative influence in institutions in an a priori, or ‘constitutional,’ perspective, we develop upon them here in an attempt to explicitly account for players’ policy preferences. Hence, we aim to partially combine spatial approaches of voting with power analysis. After elaborating a respective model for both uni-dimensional and multi-dimensional policy spaces, we suggest ways to test the predictive capacity of such models, either by directly incorporating data on preferences or by estimating such preferences, for example on the basis of theories of endogenous policy formation.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2052/1/001591_1.pdf
Bilal, Sanoussi and Albuquerque, Paul and Hosli, Madeleine O. (2001) "The probability of coalition formation: Spatial voting power indices". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2052/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2054
2011-02-15T22:21:00Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031727270
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"A European perspective on regulatory instruments and enforcement in regional blocs"
Bilal, Sanoussi
Nicolaides, Phedon.
governance: EU & national level
regulations/regulatory policies
enlargement
[T]he purpose of this paper is to explore the relatively neglected issue of the balance between general norms and specific rules in processes of integration. In particular, the paper seeks to identify the costs that determine the choice between general rules (or norms) and narrow rules. It considers those cases where both the EC level and the Member States act and asks what may be the optimum level of generality/specificity at the EC level and the Member State level. The paper argues that integration cannot be sustained alone on general principles. It needs specific rules that would enable an implementing or enforcement authority to determine unambiguously whether an activity is harmful and therefore, proscribed or not. The paper also identifies how the balance between general and narrow rules may change over time. The analysis suggests that there are important scale and scope effects in the generation of norms and rules that lead to further norms and rules. These effects also indicate that, at least in the initial stages of integration, regulatory enforcement should be centralised. Hence, there is a dynamic process in regulation within regional blocs that over time change the optimum allocation of regulatory responsibilities between the central and the national authorities. Finally, the paper makes some speculations about the consequences of enlargement … [i]n particular, the paper argues that if enlargement will make the European Union less homogeneous, then there will be need for more, not less, centralisation. A possible resolution of this conundrum may be growth of informal arrangements of cooperation and information exchange.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2054/1/002026_1.PDF
Bilal, Sanoussi and Nicolaides, Phedon. (2001) "A European perspective on regulatory instruments and enforcement in regional blocs". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2054/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2058
2011-02-15T22:21:02Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F7067646D706D
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303230
7375626A656374733D46:46303138
7375626A656374733D46:46303233
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365:70616666676F7665726E616E63657375626E6174696F6E616C726567696F6E616C2F7465727269746F7269616C
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Policy networks and multi-level interactions: Environmental policy in Spain and Portugal
Bukowski, Jeanie.
governance: EU & national level
Portugal
Spain
subnational/regional/territorial
environmental policy (including international arena)
decision making/policy-making
In this paper I provide a framework that may help to move us closer to an answer to [the “so what”] question. Using policy networks analysis as a conceptual and descriptive tool, I first “map” the multiple and overlapping levels of authority characteristic of the multi-level governance structure. Within this structure, I then propose to track policy decisions from their formulation at the EU level through their implementation at the state and subnational levels. Determining the actors involved in the policy networks at the various levels, their policy preferences, their interactions, and the diplomacy outcomes across states and policy domains will provide empirical data necessary to build inductively toward an answer to the “so what” question.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2058/1/002028_1.PDF
Bukowski, Jeanie. (2001) "Policy networks and multi-level interactions: Environmental policy in Spain and Portugal. In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2058/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2066
2011-02-15T22:21:05Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303033:44303033303032
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
7375626A656374733D46:46303331
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Party politics and the European question: The case of Malta"
Cini, Michelle.
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
enlargement
Malta
political parties
European integration is an issue that in many countries cuts across party political divisions. Malta is an extreme case of a country in which attitudes on Europe map directly onto those of two main parties. Given the small number of floating voters in Malta, the prospects for Maltese accession remain uncertain unless the link between the parties and the issue is broken. But as this paper shows this is unlikely to happen as it remains in the interests of the two parties for internal political reasons to maintain that link. This paper provides an overview of EU-Malta relations from the perspective of Maltese domestic politics. It reviews some of the issues and arguments used by both supporters and opponents of the EU, before focusing on the party political dimension of Malta's European question.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2066/1/001595_1.pdf
Cini, Michelle. (2001) "Party politics and the European question: The case of Malta". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2066/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2069
2020-01-07T22:56:39Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:4430303173706F727473
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:443030316C61776C6567616C61666661697273
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Taking the field: The EU and the governance of European football"
Croci, Osvaldo.
law & legal affairs-general (includes international law)
sports
governance: EU & national level
This paper examines the involvement of the EC in the governance of European football. The first part recounts the history of EC intervention focusing in particular on the 1995 semifinal "Bosman ruling" of the European Court of Justice, and the more recent agreement on transfer rules negotiated by the European Commission with various football organizations. The second part analyses EC involvement both in terms of its motives and methods and concludes that such an involvement, far from being atypical because taking place in the era of the so-called "retreat of the state," represents an instance of contemporary "governance."
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2069/1/002030_1.PDF
Croci, Osvaldo. (2001) "Taking the field: The EU and the governance of European football". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2069/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2075
2011-02-15T22:21:07Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:6575726F7065616E69736174696F6E6575726F7065616E697A6174696F6E6E6174696F6E616C6964656E74697479
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Analysing European integration, reflecting on the English school: Scenarios for an encounter"
Diez, Thomas
Whitman, Richard.
governance: EU & national level
europeanisation/europeanization & European identity
The article asserts that there is considerable value in bringing concepts developed within the literature of the English School to the study of contemporary European integration. We argue that the core concepts of the English School: international system, international society and world society, allow us to grasp the specificity of the European system of governance within a general framework, and to contextualise European integration both historically and within the current international system. In the article we use English School concepts to illustrate how new insights can be yielded in the examination of both EU's system of governance and the international role of the EU.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2075/1/002094_1.PDF
Diez, Thomas and Whitman, Richard. (2001) "Analysing European integration, reflecting on the English school: Scenarios for an encounter". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2075/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2076
2011-02-15T22:21:07Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303232
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:443030316C61776C6567616C61666661697273
7375626A656374733D44:44303032:44303032303230
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The autonomy of national legislatures in the European Union and MERCOSUR"
Duina, Francesco.
governance: EU & national level
regionalism, international
law & legal affairs-general (includes international law)
EU-Latin America
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
The impact of the common markets, and the European Union in particular, on the policy-making, administrative, judiciary, and territorial autonomy of nation states is to date fairly well explored. Less explored, by contrast, is the impact of common markets on the legislature of nation states. This paper proposes that common markets produce supranational law that displaces national legislatures as the traditional legislative bodies of the nation state. The displacement, however, varies in intensity across legislative arenas. An analysis of the legislative output of the EU and MERCOSUR for the years 1958-1999 and 1991-1999 respectively (a total of over 1,800 relevant laws were coded) reveals an interesting pattern to this displacement. Intense displacement occurs above all in arenas directly and, due to spillover, indirectly related to the trade of physical goods. These include the environment, transportation, and public health. But in other arenas, including labor, capital, and services, states retain significant substantive and institutional integrity. The protectionist tendencies of states in these arenas, along with the geopolitical and commercial nature of common markets, probably explain such limitations. The implications of these findings for state strength in spheres other then legislation are discussed.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2076/1/002234_1.PDF
Duina, Francesco. (2001) "The autonomy of national legislatures in the European Union and MERCOSUR". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2076/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2080
2011-02-15T22:21:08Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166667075626C69636F70696E696F6E
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:7061666664656D6F637261637964656D6F63726174696364656669636974
7375626A656374733D46:46303033
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"David and Goliath: Danish public opinion and the future of democracy in the EU"
Eliason, Leslie C.
Denmark
European elections/voting behavior
democracy/democratic deficit
public opinion
The paper begins with a few assertions about certain inherent biases in European Union studies that have tended to obscure the importance of the issues at stake in the Danish EU debate. Then, drawing heavily on recent Eurobarometer surveys, the second section examines various dimensions of Danish voter attitudes in comparison to those of voters in other EU member states. The third section examines some of the key contributions to the Danish political debate leading up to the September 28, 2000 vote on EMU. The final section concludes with some observations about the aftermath of the 2000 vote, prospects for Danish EU participation in the future, and what all this means for EU studies.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2080/1/002098_1.pdf
Eliason, Leslie C. (2001) "David and Goliath: Danish public opinion and the future of democracy in the EU". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2080/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2084
2011-02-15T22:21:10Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303236
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:69646F7067:69646F706768646F63
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Changing policies but keeping voters? British parties, the British public and the EU"
Flickinger, Richard
Rhine, Staci
Bennett, Stephen.
U.K.
European elections/voting behavior
political parties
historical development of EC (pre-1986)
The paper examines the connections between changes in party positions and changes in views of the EU within the British electorate since 1983. We explore whether voters take their cues from party elites or form their opinions independently form party identification. Our findings are only suggestive. But we find evidence for both forms of opinion identification. The 1980s witnessed a sharp increase in support for closer EU ties among Labour supporters following such a shift among the leadership. We see similar, although less dramatic, changes among Conservatives in the 1990s. As the Conservative leadership became more skeptical of EU membership, a similar shift is noted among the supporters. Yet we also find new supporters of the Labour Party who had warmer attitudes toward the EC before they became the Labour identifiers in the 1990s. Thus our results are mixed, but we find more evidence for elite persuasion.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2084/1/002101.PDF
Flickinger, Richard and Rhine, Staci and Bennett, Stephen. (2001) "Changing policies but keeping voters? British parties, the British public and the EU". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2084/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2088
2011-02-15T22:21:11Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D46:46303036
7375626A656374733D46:46303031
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666706F6C69746963616C70617274696573
7375626A656374733D46:46303037
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The freedom party in comparison: Radical right parties in Western Europe"
Givens, Terri E.
France
Germany
political parties
Austria
What is a radical right party? Radical right parties are not new to the political scene. Different parties have come and gone over the last century. What is different about the radical right parties of the 1980s and 1990s is their staying power, and their impact on the mainstream parties. The rise of new parties on the right in the 1980s led to a great deal of controversy over how these parties would be defined. On the other hand, there is little argument regarding their challenge to established party systems in Western Europe. I will argue in this paper that there are many similarities between the radical right parties in France, Germany and Austria. I begin by comparing different authors' definitions of extreme or radical right parties, and develop my own definition of a radical right party. I then describe the radical right parties and their histories in section III. Section IV provides a description of the nationalism that defines radical right parties, and the positions they have taken on immigration, economics, and the mainstream parties. Despite differences in their historical development, the parties I will be describing have taken very similar positions on issues such as immigration and the European Union.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2088/1/002104.PDF
Givens, Terri E. (2001) "The freedom party in comparison: Radical right parties in Western Europe". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2088/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2090
2011-02-15T22:21:11Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166667075626C69636F70696E696F6E
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Support, (mostly) yes-but for what? Multilevel governance, policy competencies and European public opinion"
Green, David.
governance: EU & national level
public opinion
[T]o a certain degree our knowledge of public attitudes towards European integration and EU institutions exists at a relatively broad level of focus, not unlike the attitudes of the public themselves, whose tendency is towards generalizations not necessarily based on high levels of knowledge regarding the target of those opinions. Moreover, these broader approaches to attitudes among European citizens do not necessarily move us further in the direction of understanding the degree and content of public support for European integration, nor do they contribute much to the resolution of related theoretical debates, or to the tracking of certain political and social attitudes of more general consequence. This study seeks to fill some of these gaps through an examination of attitudes toward European integration at a more detailed level, with particular attention to public preferences as to which level of governance in Europe should be responsible for various policy competencies. An examination of this data not only reveals public preferences on specific policy questions, but also points to the broader nature of public opinion and concerns in Europe, the possibilities of, and limitations to, further integration, and some clues as to how theoretical debates over the meaning of European integration which have engaged scholars for decades play out on the ground, amongst the citizens who have inherited this new polity.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2090/1/002106_1.PDF
Green, David. (2001) "Support, (mostly) yes-but for what? Multilevel governance, policy competencies and European public opinion". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2090/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2096
2011-02-15T22:21:13Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:706166664575726F7065616E656C656374696F6E73
7375626A656374733D44:44303035:44303035303135
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"Understanding European voting behavior: An examination of ticket splitting in European elections"
Hajner, John.
European Parliament
European elections/voting behavior
The European Union has come a long way since its inception. One area that has received little attention is the European Parliament elections. There has been even less attention given to explain the three propositions offered by Reif and Schmitt about European Parliament elections: 1) turnout will be lower in European Parliament elections than in national elections; 2) national government parties will suffer losses in European Parliament elections; and 3) larger parties will do worse and smaller parties will do better in European Parliament elections. Before taking the next step forward it is important to look back and examine the basic premises of Second Order Elections. Several areas that have not been addressed deal directly with voter turnout and party vote. First, if government parties lose votes, do they lose votes to other parties? Or are votes lost because of low voter turnout? Second, if government parties do lose votes to other parties, is this loss significant? Third, do new and small parties really gain votes from larger parties or are voters who do not vote in national elections (and support smaller parties) deciding to vote in European elections? In other words, from where do small and new parties gain votes? Finally, if support for small and extreme parties does not increase over time, do the supporters of these parties change each election?
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2096/1/002237_1.PDF
Hajner, John. (2001) "Understanding European voting behavior: An examination of ticket splitting in European elections". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2096/
oai:aei.pitt.edu:2097
2011-02-15T22:21:13Z
7374617475733D756E707562
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334:70616666676F7665726E616E6365
7375626A656374733D44:44303031:44303031303335:737077656C666172657374617465
74797065733D636F6E666572656E63655F6974656D
"The impact of Europe: The (once) unlikely case of old age pensions"
Haverland, Markus.
governance: EU & national level
welfare state
The paper ties into the debate on the impact of the European Union on national policies. It focuses on the relatively under-explored sector of old age income security. Four developments are analysed: (1) from public to private pensions, (2) from unfunded to funded pensions, (3) from defined benefit to defined contributions, and (4) from 'draconian' regulation to 'prudent men' regulation. Based on a preliminary analysis I argue that these current trends in old-age income security sector are at least partly shaped by European integration, sometimes in conjunction with economic and financial internationalisation. I also claim that the current developments may result in more EU influence in the future.
2001
Conference or Workshop Item
NonPeerReviewed
application/pdf
http://aei.pitt.edu/2097/1/002238_1.PDF
Haverland, Markus. (2001) "The impact of Europe: The (once) unlikely case of old age pensions". In: UNSPECIFIED, Madison, Wisconsin. (Unpublished)
http://aei.pitt.edu/2097/metadataPrefix%3Doai_dc%26offset%3D2098%26set%3D7375626A656374733D44%253A44303031%253A706F6C69746963616C6166666169727331323334