Jean Monnet Working Papers in Comparative and International Politics

February 1999 - JMWP n° 22

When compared with other geographical maritime regions, distinctive of their more or less organised centres of international activities, the Baltic Sea Region (BSR) is the area of intensive international cooperation. From the north, it borders the Barents Sea with its Council of the Barents Sea States. From the west there is the North Sea (with the partial presence of the European Union and the Nordic Council). Then, in the east, there is the Black Sea with its Black Sea Economic Cooperation, and in the south, there is the Mediterranean Sea, whose northern coasts stick to the EU, while the southern face the League of Arab States – (LAS).

The countries located along the Baltic make up a unique region, possessing the so called Baltic Identity. The sea integrates them and becomes the centre of their activities, efforts and joint cooperation.

Until 1989 the BSR was artificially divided into two opposing blocs plus a third neutral power (Sweden and Finland). As for the international cooperation, the Baltic area (also referred to as the northern area, the Baltic Region) gained importance after the collapse of the so called socialist countries' bloc and today constitutes the central part of the Northern Europe(1)

Of course, this does not mean that before that period no international linkages existed at all. Scandinavian countries have cooperated in the Nordic Council (2) (to mention just this one). Some of them, like Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland also cooperated in the supra-regional European Free Trade Association - EFTA (3). Then, the adopted conventions on Fishing and Conservation of the Living Resources in the Baltic Sea and the Belts of 1973, or on The Protection of the Maritime Environment of the Baltic Sea of 1974, set up the sectoral cooperation platform in this region. However, one must admit that in the bi-polar division of Europe, the BSR was considered as peripheral and not having too much significance (4).

The year 1990 seems to be crucial in the Baltic cooperation. On September 2-3, 1990 the first Baltic Summit of the Heads of Government took place in Ronneby. The conference determined further cooperation and triggered new international links. In May 1998 Matti Aura, Finnish Minister of Transport said that the tremendous geopolitical changes in Europe had made the Baltic Sea Region "the new area of growth" and the area of common market" (5).

The main purpose of this paper is an attempt to generate the geopolitical model of the Baltic Europe as an element in the international politics.

The term "actors of the Baltic Europe" is related to the geopolitical structure of the Region. Here the author means all primary actors (not necessarily being the subject to the international law), who generate international links within the region (states, subregions, cities) and secondary actors or concrete cooperation structures (organisation, associations, international forums) created by the primary actors.

The geopolitical model, presented in the first chapter of this paper, to a great extent (but not only) is exemplified by the countries of the Baltic Europe or governmental international organisations. Other actors will be presented in chapter 2.

The population around the "Mare Balticum" is about 50 million. Such a region can be then a bridge between the 350 million inhabitants of the industrialised European Union and 250 million of inhabitants living in the Eastern Europe.

Even if we turn back to the late Medieval trading union - known as Hanza (6), the Baltic Region has proved that trade and development can guarantee stability and peace. Although presently we can observe the eclecticality of the region, it shows the tendency to generate closer international links. It is worth remembering, however, that beside the EU member countries (such as Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Germany), there are also NATO member countries there: Norway, Denmark, Germany, Island, as well as the countries aspiring to these two structures, such as: Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia. Needless to mention Russia who constitutes another power in the region. Norway, which is a non-EU member, is connected with the EU via the European Economic Area (7), established in 1992 through merging of the markets: European Communities and EFTA. Germany is the only member of the Western European Union - (WEU). Norway and Island are associated members. Denmark, Finland and Sweden enjoy the status of the WEU observer countries. Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia and Poland are associated partner countries (in 1998).

In the geopolitical structure of the Baltic Europe, constituting a link in the international politics, one can differentiate two rings. Ring I (internal) includes the coastal countries, i.e. the countries whose coasts fully or partially extend over the Baltic. These countries are: Germany, Poland, Russia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Sweden, Denmark. Ring II (external) includes the so called non-coastal countries, which do not border the Baltic coast directly but which participate actively in the international activities within the Region. These are: Norway, Island and Bielarus. The first two mentioned countries (the Nordic countries) have a long tradition of cooperating with other Scandinavian countries: Sweden, Denmark and Finland in the Nordic Council or in EFTA. This cooperation has recently been extended to Council of the Baltic Sea States - CBSS, which was established in 1992 and has 11 member states from the both Baltic Rings, except for Bielarus. (Island joined in 1995). In the second Ring Norway is much more active than Island and Bielarus. It has its representatives in such structures where Island or Bielarus lacks representation: e.g. Baltic Sea States Subregional Co-operation (see: Chapter II) and Pro Baltica Forum (8).

On one hand, a stricte inland country like Bielarus, although hardly (incidentally) active in the BSR, it tends towards the northern area. This is evident from the declarations laid down by the Bialorussian government. In particular, the question of the exterritorial highway to the Baltic coast seems to prove this point. Further, Bielarus joined the VASAB 2010 Programme (Vision and Strategies around the Baltic Sea 2010) in 1992.

VASAB 2010 is the spatial development programme for the Baltic Region initiated in Karlskrona during the conference of ministers responsible for their respective countries' regional physical planning policy.

Both rings encompass the Baltic territories. However, Denmark introduced here its two overseas territories belonging to the Secondary Ring, namely Greenland (autonomy since 1979) and Sheep Islands (autonomous territory of Denmark). Both these territorial units are independently represented in the Parliamentary Conference on Cooperation in the Baltic Sea Area. They have their local representations of Landsting (Greenland's Parliament) and Lögting (Sheep Islands).

Baltic Rings

Both rings comprising the states define the Baltic Europe in sensu largo. The Primary Ring, internal, rests on three arms which form a triangle. The united Germany forms the western arm. The northern arm is formed by the northern Scandinavian countries: Denmark, Sweden and Finland. The southern arm is formed by the CEE countries: in the first place, the countries associated with the EU: Poland, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia), and additionally, Bielarus and Russia.

The Baltic Triangle

Of course the Baltic Triangle has only two of its vertexes in the European Union (northern and western). The eastern vertex remains beyond the EU and has a chance of being part of it due to the prospective enlargement of the EU. (Poland and Estonia are in the first accession group). Consequently that would move the whole triangle into the inside of the EU.

Therefore, the Baltic component of the EU is to a large extent based on the Baltic Triangle. No secondary ring country is an EU-member. At the same time, this makes the EU presence in the BSR, which does not change quantitatively its geopolitical structure, but influences the international practices.

Since 1995, when Sweden and Finland joined the EU, the Union has a 1200 km border with the Russian Federation (along the eastern border of Finland). The border will become even longer once Estonia and Poland access the EU, and later Lithuania and Latvia. This will result in the fact that two enormous economic structures (EU is an actual economic power, while Russia may be a prospective one) will become neighbours in Europe. But this again does not necessarily imply benefits for both of them.

In fact, the western and northern arms of the triangle (the so called EU arms) are a growth engine for the BSR. Inside this, one may point at the emerging super centre as a sub-element of the Triangle. The Öresund region will become a unique centre of power quite soon. It will be the case because of the bridge linking Malmö and Copenhagen over the Öresund. Moreover, Denmark is developing a permanent connection between Zeland (Halskov, Korsor) and Fionia (Nyborg)(10). It will be a huge bridge over the Great Belt for vehicle transportation and a rail tunnel. Both bridges will constitute a west Baltic transportation axis running in the north - south direction, and making other transportation links peripheral.

One cannot ignore the fact that there might emerge another competitive centre, which will constitute a kind of Baltic economic area in the east stretching between St. Petersburg (whose metropolitan area is of almost 7,5 million inhabitants), Helsinki and Tallinn. It is quite probable as the first half of the nineties observed visualizing of the economic axis Stockholm, Helsinki and St. Petersburg. The axis overlaps with the northern transportation corridor, and exists alongside the southern one, i.e. Berlin-Warsaw and further to Moscow or to Ukraina and Bielarus.

As it transpires, the geopolitical structure of the Baltic Europe is based in two Baltic Rings, into which the Baltic triangle is well fitted. Such a model is filled with concrete examples of international cooperation and continuously developing instrastructure of international organisations (governmental and non-governmental) and other forms of linkages in the BSR.

Apart from the above mentioned (Chapter I) twelve countries constituting the Baltic Europe, there are also regional structures - the so called internal (those created within the region) and external ones such as the European Union (11), and perhaps to a lesser degree, Council of Europe.

The internal primary organisations include those generating cooperation in the region directly, namely subregions (also islands) and cities.

What is more, owing to the presence of its parliamentary delegates at Parliamentary Conference on Cooperation in the Baltic Sea Area, which started in 1991 in Helsinki, there emerged two subregional bodies in the Baltic Europe, namely, Greenland and Sheep Islands (14), which complement the second Baltic ring.

Cities are members of the organisation established in 1991 - Union of the Baltic Cities (UBC). Initially, UBC had 32 member cities (1994). A year later, the number increased to 55. Then to 69, and in 1998 the UBC has 82 members. The Baltic cities cooperate in numerous projects. Here are a few examples of joint projects. A/ Baltic Cities, a project co-financed by the EU (15) and developed in 1996, with the objectives rooted in the employment market and social affairs. B/ Baltic Point (16) a project initialised in 1997 with the objective to create a tourist network of cities.

Next, cross-sectoral cooperation develops in the BSR, too. Chambers of commerce co-operate within the framework of the Baltic Sea Chambers of Commerce Association (BSCCA). Music academies work under the Association of Baltic Academies of Music (ABAM); while ports operate within the Baltic Ports Organisation, established in 1991.

The above mentioned traditionally integrating structures such as the European Union and Council of Europe, since the second half of 1990 have been stressing the significance of the Baltic component for the European integration. They also express significant interest in the development of cooperation between countries located along the Baltic Sea.

The Baltic Sea should become for the European Union what the Mediterranean Sea (17) actually is now, the area towards which the EC has its own policy, known as the Mediterranean Policy. The concept known as ''the Baltic Sea is the Mediterranean Sea of the North" is especially supported by the EU Baltic countries. The mentioned was voiced by Bjorn Engolhm (18), Prime Minister of Schleswik-Holstein, whose ambition was to strengthen the Baltic component in Europe through developing an individual policy towards the region, and through cooperation programmes co-financed by the EU. This, as it was believed, would make the BSR an opposing region in relation to the Mediterranean Sea Region (19).

The European Commission draws special attention to the Baltic Sea area in questions related to the cooperation with the CEE countries, and their preparation towards accession to West European structures. However, until now the EU has supported Baltic Region in a rather limited way. It is worth mentioning here Interreg II Baltic Sea Region Programme, with the budget of approximately 90 million DM (20) until 1999, or the ECOS/Ouverture programme, which promotes the interregional cooperation between the EU municipalities and regions and their respective counterparts in the CEE countries.

Further, for the Baltic Europe two other programmes (mutations of the main PHARE - Poland and Hungary Assistance for Restructuring their Economies - programme are significant. Namely, an improved Baltic Small Projects Facility Program, and PHARE CBC Baltic Sea (Cross-Border Co-operation Baltic Sea (21). In the context of the EU presence in the BSR, one should also mention the TACIS Programme (Technical Assistance for Commonwealth of Independent States) for the NIS countries, and the TACIS CBC.

It seems, however, that the European Union's support for the BSR would be more effective if all the programmes, with the budget totalling to approximately 130 million DM, could be merged into one uniform programme for the whole Region, available to all interested countries.

The Baltic component in the EU is still very weak. Although, the representatives of the European Commission and Council of the EU participate in the annual sessions of the Council of the Baltic Sea States, it is hardly possible to name this as "significant involvement of the EU in the process of emergence of the new subregion within its own organism".

Northern and western zones of the Baltic Sea already belong to the Union, while southern coastal countries (Poland, Estonia) are among the first six accession countries, together with Cyprus, Slovenia, Czech and Hungary, and hoping for quick membership. This will result in the fact that the Baltic Sea will become an inland sea of the Union. So the Baltic cooperation may significantly contribute to the preparatory process of Union's eastward enlargement.

This tendency is displayed by the 1996 Visby Summit of Prime Ministers of the Baltic Sea States Council. During the Summit, Jacques Santer, President of European Commission presented the EU Baltic Sea Region Initiative (22).

In January 1998 European Union launched the Baltic Spatial Development Agency in Rostock. The Agency will service not only the EU members, but also Baltic countries, including Bielarus (23). Since mid-March 1998 the Rostock Agency, together with its branch office in Karlskrona has been coordinating the work.

After a closer look, one may say that the EU's presence in the Region is only incidental (not to ignore the EU members). However, there is a noticeable EU tendency to get involved in this direction. Beside the Baltic States, the EU is only one of the elements of the rings, and at the same time another element of the international relations within the BSR.

The Assembly expressed a particular interest in the cultural cooperation in this Region, which wish to serve individual contacts with the Nordic Council.

The Council of Europe claims that the right time to promote inter-regional co-operation in Northern Europe has come. Therefore, the Assembly recommended the Committee of Ministers to search for resources so that the Council of Europe could contribute to the development of cultural cooperation in the Baltic and North Seas Regions" (25).

Among many cooperation fields, the Council of Europe sees the priority areas in transport, culture, school partnership, social and environmental education, university exchanges and tourism. A representative of the Council of Europe participates in the work of the Parliamentary Conference on cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region.

The Baltic Europe has been changing into a new centre of international activity and cross-section integration.

States and subregions located in both Baltic Rings have been dynamically cooperating in joint structures and organisation since the beginning of the Nineties.

Participation in international organisations, unions or associations, pre-accession initiatives and projects help tighten ties among the actors constituting the Baltic Europe.

In the international practice, beside the advanced forms of cooperation one can notice the pre-accession sectoral integration (26).

Regardless of the EU enlargement to the East, the Baltic countries are discussing the establishment of the Baltic Union. On Latvian  (28) initiative (18 November 1997) it could first start as a form of the free trade zone. Further, the idea of Baltic-Black Sea cooperation becomes more and more popular among the Baltic Republics (Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania). This could be possibly an opposing power against mighty Russia. Such a position was noticeable during the Summit of the five Baltic countries (including Poland and Ukraina) on 27 May 1997 in Tallinn. It is worth noticing here that Ukraina is the member of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation and as such it could be "a bridge between the Baltic-Black Sea cooperation".

The concepts described above may suggest that the geopolitical shape of the Baltic Europe and international configuration in the region will be developing, and that the present state is only temporary in the transition period.